In deze scriptie wordt beschreven hoe de Duitse overheid tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog anticipeerde op de verschillende problemen die zich voordeden bij de economische mobilisatie ten behoeve van...Show moreIn deze scriptie wordt beschreven hoe de Duitse overheid tijdens de Eerste Wereldoorlog anticipeerde op de verschillende problemen die zich voordeden bij de economische mobilisatie ten behoeve van de oorlog.Show less
This thesis discusses the Argentine Dirty War of 1974-1983 and the role Henry Kissinger played in encouraging the military junta of 'El Proceso,' emphasizing the context of US foreign affairs in...Show moreThis thesis discusses the Argentine Dirty War of 1974-1983 and the role Henry Kissinger played in encouraging the military junta of 'El Proceso,' emphasizing the context of US foreign affairs in Latin America during the Cold War and the change in foreign policies under Carter with the introduction of human rights.Show less
In Japanese, the phrase A yō na can be used to modify nouns. One of the ways that an A yō na B construction can be used, is to lend a sense of indirectness to an expression. In this thesis, I will...Show moreIn Japanese, the phrase A yō na can be used to modify nouns. One of the ways that an A yō na B construction can be used, is to lend a sense of indirectness to an expression. In this thesis, I will investigate whether this sense of indirectness can be traced back in English translation, and what this can say about the features of the two languages. First, in order to grasp the diversity of usages of the A yō na B construction, I will provide an analysis of the several meanings, making use of a classification using the framework introduced in Takahashi (2009). Then, I will analyse within these categories how the construction can be translated. In order to do this, I will use a parallel corpus created from examples taken from a Japanese novel and its English translation. Finally, I will discuss my findings in the view of indirectness within language.Show less
This paper examines the 1706 Slave Conspiracy in Dutch Mauritius as a case of collective slave resistance and challenges the notion that collective resistance occurs mainly in slave societies where...Show moreThis paper examines the 1706 Slave Conspiracy in Dutch Mauritius as a case of collective slave resistance and challenges the notion that collective resistance occurs mainly in slave societies where there is a common slave culture.Show less
Der Leken Spieghel', geschreven door de rijmchroniqueur Jan van Boendale in de veertiende eeuw, bevat een hoofdstuk genaamd 'Hoe Dichters Dichten Sullen'. Dit hoofdstuk staat bekend als de eerste ...Show moreDer Leken Spieghel', geschreven door de rijmchroniqueur Jan van Boendale in de veertiende eeuw, bevat een hoofdstuk genaamd 'Hoe Dichters Dichten Sullen'. Dit hoofdstuk staat bekend als de eerste (middel-)Nederlandstalige poëtica. Boendale beschrijft hierin drie voorwaarden waar een goede dichter aan dient te voldoen, waarbij hij zich vooral focust op de geschiedschrijving. In dit onderzoek worden Boendales dichterlijke voorwaarden in hun historische context geplaatst om een beeld te krijgen van Boendales visie op historiografie.Show less
In deze thesis onderzoek ik de politieke houding van Nederlandse liberale politici ten aanzien van koloniale kwesties als bestuur, slavernij en expansie aan de hand van een kwalitatieve...Show moreIn deze thesis onderzoek ik de politieke houding van Nederlandse liberale politici ten aanzien van koloniale kwesties als bestuur, slavernij en expansie aan de hand van een kwalitatieve discoursanalyse van de parlementaire debatten in de periode 1848-1900. Dit alles plaats ik in een vergelijk met het Brits liberalisme. Ik concludeer dat waar Britse liberalen veranderden van opvatting over koloniaal bestuur dit in de Nederlandse situatie niet of minder het geval was. Het Nederlandse liberalisme typeer ik als duaal: hoewel het mensbeeld grotendeels universeel was, was de noodzaak tot representatie in bestuur er alleen voor de (gegoede) burger.Show less
The study will broadly assume a form and part of a larger ongoing effort to develop methods and models for the study of colonialism from a cultural point of view. It will stress the early modern...Show moreThe study will broadly assume a form and part of a larger ongoing effort to develop methods and models for the study of colonialism from a cultural point of view. It will stress the early modern cross-cultural nuances of contacts, conversations and conflicts by analyzing the South Indian history focusing Brahmins. History of Brahmins from early European texts and also from the South Indian secondary sources largely based on vernacular languages will be used for a comparative analysis.Show less
Musea moeten tegenwoordig niet alleen concurreren met vrijetijdsinstellingen, maar door de digitalisering van de samenleving, ook met het internet. Dankzij onder andere musea zelf is het mogelijk...Show moreMusea moeten tegenwoordig niet alleen concurreren met vrijetijdsinstellingen, maar door de digitalisering van de samenleving, ook met het internet. Dankzij onder andere musea zelf is het mogelijk om de beroemdste schilderijen digitaal en in detail te bekijken. De toegang tot kunst is hiermee laagdrempelig geworden. De mogelijkheden om kunstobjecten van dichtbij te bekijken en om ze aan te raken zijn in het museum beperkt. Hierdoor zou men zich kunnen afvragen wat tegenwoordig de toegevoegde waarde nog is van een museumbezoek, wanneer alle werken ook online te zien zijn.Om er achter te komen wat de toegevoegde waarde van een museumbezoek is, spelen drie aspecten een grote rol in een kunstbeleving, namelijk: de rol van de toeschouwer, de rol van het kunstobject en de rol van authenticiteit.Show less
Mississippi was once called by many scholars as the most racial violent state in America. Throughout the Civil Rights Movement, many African Americans were lynched and even killed by local white...Show moreMississippi was once called by many scholars as the most racial violent state in America. Throughout the Civil Rights Movement, many African Americans were lynched and even killed by local white supremacists especially members of the Ku Klux Klan. In 1966, Vernon Dahmer, the leader of the Forrest County Chapter of the Civil Rights Movement in Mississippi, was murdered by Klansmen’s firebombing. However, different from earlier murder cases, Dahmer’s murder happened during a changing racial situation in Mississippi: many local white people, who used to support the Klansmen, began to hate their racial violence; the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) strengthened their suppression of the Ku Klux Klan; white politicians had to adjust themselves to the irresistible trend that more blacks would participate in politics and stop ignoring racial violence performed by the Klansmen. Under these circumstances, it seemed that the Ku Klux Klan was out of ways in fighting against the voting progress and thus the murder of Vernon Dahmer turned their one last battle. In my thesis, I intend to look into how the Ku Klux Klan was influenced by both the Federal Government and Mississippi authorities. How did the FBI’s Counter Intelligence Program (COINTELPR) in the 1960s suppress the force of the Ku Klux Klan. Inside the state, the relationship between white liberals and the civil rights movement became increasingly strained. Based on these facts, we can see that the murder of Dahmer stimulated Mississippians’ adaption to a changing racial atmosphere and their reaction against modern liberalism, which brought profound influence to the decline of the local chapter of the Ku Klux Klan as well as Mississippi politics in the late twentieth century. I will base my research on both national and local newspaper sources, literature works, oral history collections and documentaries of university libraries in Mississippi. The first chapter will look into the murder case of Vernon Dahmer and analyze its difference with former civil rights cases specially with the murders of Medgar Evers and the three civil rights workers; the second chapter will be dealing with the roles that the FBI and the Federal Government played in the murder case and their influence to the local chapter of the Ku Klux Klan. The third chapter will analyze the influence that Paul Johnson’s administration brought to the local racial atmosphere.Show less
In this thesis I examine the question that was left unanswered in Tulling (2014). Why can some SFP1s, like the Dutch hè, attach to [-Q]-questions, while most SFP1s are unable to attach to questions...Show moreIn this thesis I examine the question that was left unanswered in Tulling (2014). Why can some SFP1s, like the Dutch hè, attach to [-Q]-questions, while most SFP1s are unable to attach to questions? This paper focuses on rhetorical wh-questions. First the different theories on the structure and meaning of rhetorical questions are discussed. Then I define what I consider a rhetorical question, and provide tests to distinguish rhetorical questions from ordinary questions in Dutch. I argue against the proposal that ordinary questions and rhetorical questions are semantically and structurally the same (Copanigro & Sprouse 2007), and argue in favor of the idea that RQs and OQs are actually semantically and syntactically different from each other. Combining earlier theories on the semantics and structure of rhetorical questions (Han 2002, Obenauer & Poletto 2000) and generalizations on the structure of SFPs using the split-CP hypothesis (Law 2004, Sybesma & Li 2007), I propose the following to account for the main question of this paper: In contrary to wh¬-words in ordinary questions, which are positioned in [Spec, ForceP], the wh-words in rhetorical questions are positioned in [Spec, EpistP]. Following Sybesma & Li (2007) SFPs are base generated across the different layers of CP. The SFP1 hè is base generated in Epist0. SFP1s have an inherent feature [+SFP] which requires to be checked by all the relevant sentence information. In ordinary statements, the entire sentence moves to [Spec, EpistP] to check this SFP feature in sentences with hè. In RQs the wh-word carries all the relevant epistemic information of the sentence (Han 2002), and the SFP-feature can be checked. In ordinary questions there is no wh-word in EpistP, and the [+SFP]-feature cannot be checked; the sentence is ungrammatical. Show less
Making sense of Ukrainian history, let alone its politics, has a never been an easy thing to do, but when history and politics came together in the issue of Holodomor, the matter became utterly...Show moreMaking sense of Ukrainian history, let alone its politics, has a never been an easy thing to do, but when history and politics came together in the issue of Holodomor, the matter became utterly complicated. Known to have been an artificial famine that plagued mainly the southeast of Soviet Socialist Republic of Ukraine in 1932-1933, Holodomor had emerged at the centre of public debates when the State of Ukraine recognized it as the Ukrainian genocide in 2006. This thesis examines why the understanding of Holodomor transformed into a genocide under President Yushschenko. The famine has always been a controversial issue: it was silenced under the Soviet Union, in the post-Soviet Ukraine it was not much spoken of either. The Ukrainian diaspora, however, deemed it a genocide all along, and awaited its moment to import this matter back into Ukraine. This moment evidently arrived with Yushchenko’s victory in the Orange Revolution. In the following I am trying to understand how the understanding of Holodomor as a genocide manifested itself in Ukraine, and what it meant for the Ukrainian identity. I have approached the issue from three different perspectives: its significance in the reading of first hand accounts of the famine; its popularity with historians and historical narratives; and its role in the political life of Ukraine and nation building. Hereby I have analyzed diaries, historical works, presidential decrees, various secondary literature, many more. Evidently it has become my conclusion that the understanding of Holodomor as a genocide brought little historical significance in the way it was deployed by Ukrainian scholars and members of the diaspora. Instead its “added value” lay with the political claims to a distinct Ukrainian national identity, which had nevertheless failed to prove useful to the Ukrainian public.Show less
