Complexity is a crucial barrier to our understanding of how actors behave in the international arena. Market power, normative power, regulatory power, global power, civilian power, are all concepts...Show moreComplexity is a crucial barrier to our understanding of how actors behave in the international arena. Market power, normative power, regulatory power, global power, civilian power, are all concepts which have been utilised to describe the EU international actorness. However, the interaction between these concepts, and how the EU employs these comprehensively has been less debated. In an effort to contribute to the literature on EU’s strategic behaviour, this thesis engages in a critical discourse analysis throughout numerous strategic documents from the Commission. Through the analysis, a grand strategic framework, established by the Commission, was identified. Such framework appeared divided into two phases; the first being an inward-looking effort to “rebuild Europe”, and the second being an outward-looking approach towards providing security in the neighbourhood. This work manages to move past the theoretical debate on the EU’s engagement with grand strategy, which has characterised European academia and engages in a practical discussion of grand strategy and the EU. While the contributions of this work are essential for different fields in European studies, such as Europeanization, it also contributes to grand strategy academia by putting forward a theory on how international organisations interact with grand strategy.Show less
British interests in the Middle East have consistently been upheld through diplomatic means. Originally colonial, expansionist and imperial in manner, contemporary diplomatic interests in the...Show moreBritish interests in the Middle East have consistently been upheld through diplomatic means. Originally colonial, expansionist and imperial in manner, contemporary diplomatic interests in the region are labelled as bilateral, and moving away from the traditionally colonial, imperial and Orientalist discourse first established with British interest in the region. This thesis examines British diplomatic attitudes towards the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, investigating the language from the mid-twentieth century to the early twenty-first in order to highlight and explain the subtleties of colonial and Orientalist mentality still noticeable in contemporary British diplomacy towards the country, and indeed, reflective of the wider MENA region. Show less
This thesis departs from dominant approaches to outward Chinese FDI, which tend to focus primarily on China's aggressive expansionism and its grand strategy with regards to the Belt and Road...Show moreThis thesis departs from dominant approaches to outward Chinese FDI, which tend to focus primarily on China's aggressive expansionism and its grand strategy with regards to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). After identifying gaps in these prevailing approaches, there appeared to be a need for investigating the agency of host countries. The methodology used here was derived from earlier research conducted on China's long-standing engagements in Africa. The arguments made in this thesis reveal more locally-driven elements of Greece's relations with China and highlight the consequential role of Greek agency in these relations. At various scales and levels, Greek actors have used their respective capacities to facilitate, mediate and even resist Chinese presence and investments in Greece, while also carving out opportunities for their own personal or commercial progress. What is apparent here, is that China is not necessarily imposing on Greece with hegemonic intent, as is generally perceived, but is being ushered in by Greeks themselves as an indispensable benefactor of the Greek economy. An important implication for further research is that host countries of Chinese FDI must not be looked at as passive actors in their relations with China, but rather, as agents acting in self-interest. Moreover, the case of Greece can be considered an indication to the EU to reconsider its policies vis-à-vis post-recession recovery in weaker member states.Show less
This thesis outlines how Aircraft construction brings and pulls European nations together. The case studies used in this thesis are Airbus and the Eurofighter, to illustrate how non-state actors,...Show moreThis thesis outlines how Aircraft construction brings and pulls European nations together. The case studies used in this thesis are Airbus and the Eurofighter, to illustrate how non-state actors, of technicians, scientists and engineers interact amongst each other, during the process of building the aircraft. This thesis hopes to add in to the argument of how one could approach European integration without the necessary focus of politically tied institutions such as the 'EU' itself, but to offer an another view point, on how non-state actors through the construction of an aircraft brings European countries together.Show less
This thesis offers a qualitative descriptive analysis to explain what drivers affect the development of Euroscepticism within the Conservative Party (UK) between 1990 and 2016. Three drivers are...Show moreThis thesis offers a qualitative descriptive analysis to explain what drivers affect the development of Euroscepticism within the Conservative Party (UK) between 1990 and 2016. Three drivers are found to have enormous impact on Conservative Euroscepticism. These are as follows: inner party divide, radical right threat and issue salience within party strategy. The Conservatives became increasingly divided over European integration throughout the time frame. Through the attempts to mend this divide by Conservative leaders, most importantly John Major and David Cameron, they increasingly adopted harsher Eurosceptic policies to please their pro/anti EU divided party. UKIP, a radical right party, experienced electoral success throughout the time frame, which is seen as a threat towards the Conservatives, and thus a driver of Conservative Euroscepticism. Lastly, UKIP’s success largely interplays with issue salience. This thesis sees issue salience as a driver of Conservative Euroscepticism, as both parties adopted shifts in political strategy in order to compete for electoral success in light of EU issue salience. All three factors interplay; meaning the one affects the other.Show less
In 2016 it would have been difficult to imagine that Ireland and Spain once shared similar economic contexts. While in 2007 they were both experiencing similar macroeconomic conditions, and...Show moreIn 2016 it would have been difficult to imagine that Ireland and Spain once shared similar economic contexts. While in 2007 they were both experiencing similar macroeconomic conditions, and underwent similar processes in dealing with the crisis, nine years later the Irish economy had managed to regain its pre-crisis standards, whereas Spain’s continued to lag behind. Particularly telling of these developments are poverty trends, with Ireland presenting an overall decrease in its At-Risk-of-Poverty or Social Exclusion (AROPE) figures over 2007 and 2016, and Spain being unable to do so. Consequently, given their similarities prior to the Great Recession, the question of “what explains the diverging poverty trends between Ireland and Spain between 2007 and 2016?” arises. Turning to the academic and theoretical literature, the paper identifies four variables which could explain these outcomes: economic growth and income inequalities; (un)employment levels and conditions; welfare state effectiveness; and political inequality. These variables were assessed with reference to Eurostat and OECD data, with the analysis being complemented by NGO reports and government publications. Overall, findings indicate that three principal factors can explain these diverging poverty trends: I) the fact that income inequalities were widespread in Spain, even during periods of growth, while they were relatively stable in Ireland; II) Spain’s inability to avoid an increase in rising labor precariousness, and; III) the effectiveness of Ireland’s welfare state in reducing poverty levels. The fourth variable under investigation, the role of political inequalities, provided inconclusive results.Show less
The aim of the thesis is to investigate today’s two different fortunes of the two centre-left parties in the United Kingdom and Germany, respectively the Labour Party and the Social Democratic...Show moreThe aim of the thesis is to investigate today’s two different fortunes of the two centre-left parties in the United Kingdom and Germany, respectively the Labour Party and the Social Democratic Party of Germany (henceforth, SPD). The research stems from the observation of a remarkably similar past, the Third Way, which had a specific significance on the political reshaping and rebranding of social democracy in these two countries. The Third Way is therefore taken as the starting point for a comparative analysis of two different situations in the current political scenario, with a Labour Party riding a new wave of success and a significantly weaker SPD. The thesis aims to tackle this puzzle through an analysis of the political narrative implemented by leaders Jeremy Corbyn and Martin Schulz during the simultaneous 2017 electoral campaign, specifically keeping in mind the legacies of the Third Way past.Show less
The Argentine and Greek crises are very similar in their origin and nature, and both involved the intervention of the IMF. However, the way the IMF dealt with each one was different: it was...Show moreThe Argentine and Greek crises are very similar in their origin and nature, and both involved the intervention of the IMF. However, the way the IMF dealt with each one was different: it was stricter with Greece and more lenient with Argentina (until 2001). Nevertheless, no systematic comparison has been made between these two cases to explain the reasons for the IMF’s diverging reactions. This work is a qualitative study which employs the comparative method of difference to understand what explains the different response of the IMF to these crises. We take the three common factors which together can explain why the IMF operated as it did. These are: economic errors, the influence of other relevant actors, and reputational concerns. Firs, the Fund made economic errors in both crises, partly because it was misled by the opinions of its surroundings. The IMF undermined the importance of fiscal stringency in Argentina in the context of the currency peg while exaggerating the reach of the adjustment in Greece due to the misuse of analytical tools. Second, the influence of other relevant actors was not only limited to ideational issues but also consisted on direct intrusion. In Argentina, the US pressured the IMF through informal channels to be initially lenient with Argentina while in Greece the Fund was incorporated to an institutionalized lending entity which saw in austerity the only viable solution. Within this framework, individuals operated to further restrict the Fund’s room for maneuver in both cases. Lastly, the Fund’s reputational concerns -in Argentina the fact that its credibility was linked to the country’s success and in Greece the anxiety to be left out of that crisis- made the Fund continuously disburse loans in spite of lack of compliance of the former, whereas for the latter this fear made it accept any sort of arrangement, even if it meant extreme orthodoxy. We conclude that no factor exists in isolation and that it was their interplay what determined the Fund’s reaction, while acknowledging how decisive the influence of other actors in its decisions and the implications this has.Show less
Britain’s decision to leave the European Union (EU) has affected the position of member states (MS) through a wide range of policy areas. While the Dutch government has resisted pressures to partly...Show moreBritain’s decision to leave the European Union (EU) has affected the position of member states (MS) through a wide range of policy areas. While the Dutch government has resisted pressures to partly replace Britain’s budgetary role within the 2021-2027 Multiannual Financial Framework (MFF), Sweden has hoped to create a more social Europe, in order to respond to European citizens’ disenchantment with the Union’s approach on employment issues. This thesis aims to examine why the Dutch conception and performance within the MFF have successfully changed in light of Britain’s pending departure, while Swedish influence on EU employment policy has remained limited. The findings of the research suggest that policy priorities at the EU level, differences in support for the two areas and domestic developments are responsible for the dichotomy identified between the two countries and their respective policy priorities.Show less
In 2017, the right-wing populist parties ‘Alternative for Germany’(AfD) and the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) got markedly different election results: While the AfD got 12.6% of the vote share, the...Show moreIn 2017, the right-wing populist parties ‘Alternative for Germany’(AfD) and the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) got markedly different election results: While the AfD got 12.6% of the vote share, the FPÖ achieved a much higher result with 26%. Considering that the two parties as well as Germany and Austria are ostensibly similar, this puzzle leads to the question of what explains the so markedly different election results of the AfD and the FPÖ in 2017. Based on a review of general factors that explain the success of populist radical right parties and extensive research on the aspects that led to the rise and success of the AfD and FPÖ, the paper focuses on the role of the media, seeking to understand how the two parties were portrayed by the media before the 2017 elections. This task is approached by conducting a qualitative content analysis of the reporting on the AfD by the Bild Zeitung and the depiction of the FPÖ by the Kronen Zeitung, the two most popular online daily newspapers in their countries, during the last month before the elections. It is shown that the two parties used different framing strategies to report on the AfD or FPÖ respectively, resulting in a much more negative portrayal of the former. Considering that the FPÖ was depicted in a more positive way and got a much higher result in the election, the paper contributes to the literature by supporting the theory that the media have an influence on election results by shaping the public image of parties and their leaders, thereby influencing the voter’s perception of them, and offers a relevance point for further research on explaining the varied election results of the AfD and FPÖ in the 2017 elections.Show less
The following thesis is an analytical case study on the sustainability of populism once it becomes a governing force. Building on populism and corruption studies the paper will demonstrate the...Show moreThe following thesis is an analytical case study on the sustainability of populism once it becomes a governing force. Building on populism and corruption studies the paper will demonstrate the functioning of Viktor Orban's illiberal, populist, right-wing government by primarily focusing on the government's media capture. The thesis will utilize the Convergence Analysis of Corruption to assess whether the system is corrupt or not. By doing so, the thesis will attempt to demonstrate that the media capture by the state is a form of institutionalized corruption that enables Orban and his party to sustain the three key factors that are needed in order to stay in power: money, ideology, and votes. Thus, the thesis will answer the following research question: How does populism sustain itself once in power?Show less
Nowadays, European countries are facing the most severe refugee issue since World War II. After the break out of the Syrian civil war, a large number of refugees fled to Europe, seeking protection...Show moreNowadays, European countries are facing the most severe refugee issue since World War II. After the break out of the Syrian civil war, a large number of refugees fled to Europe, seeking protection and stability. As an ongoing international phenomenon, the issue of Syrian refugees has become an urgent problem in need of solving. The European Union has a responsibility to take action and deal with the issue, and one way is through helping newly arrived asylum seekers to settle down. Although the European Parliament and European Commission started in 2015 to launch the resettlement plan (along with various other initiatives to deal with the issue of refugees,) it seems to be difficult for Member States to implement a standard procedure, and no effective unitary measures have been taken so far. Ever since 1997 when the Dublin Regulation came into force, the European Union has been aiming to develop a set of common policies for asylum seekers, and to harmonize the process and procedures. However, previous studies and real situation revealed that neither the Dublin Regulation nor CEAS (Common European Asylum System) could be properly implemented by Member States as planned. In spite of the fact that the European Union has proposed several revisions and amendments since 1997, the main problems remain unsolved, and Member States still struggle to reach an agreement on fair and equal common asylum procedures. This thesis will discuss the topic through a comparison of Germany and Hungary from different aspects on the national level. I hope to identify and explain the reasons why Member States responded differently to the issue of Syrian refugees under the same asylum system and common EU law.Show less
Hungary used to be the success story of East-Central Europe in terms of democratic transition, however the nature of the recent reforms now points towards a different path. Viktor Orbán has managed...Show moreHungary used to be the success story of East-Central Europe in terms of democratic transition, however the nature of the recent reforms now points towards a different path. Viktor Orbán has managed to consolidate his power by undermining democratic institutions for his own advantage. Since 2010, the Hungarian political system has gone through an extensive transformation initiated and carried out by the governing party; Fidesz. The right-central political party is led by the charismatic leader Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, who has built a highly-centralized party where his authority is unquestioned. Fidesz is in governing position since 2010, when they managed to win the elections by supermajority and retain that position respectively in 2014 and 2018 as well. The initial overwhelming victory, which enabled the transformation of the political system, can be traced back to the distrust and disappointment of the people with the socialist party and with the torn economy. Orbán consciously exploited the political vacuum and saw his chance to take power once more. He portrayed himself as the only salvation for the nation after the socialists’ ‘liberal’ mismanagement. Once he came to power, he started the ‘System of National Cooperation’ which was the frame for the (illiberal) transformation of the society. Exploiting his supermajority, he started structural reforms which laid the grounds for passing the ‘The Fundamental Law’. The new constitutional order systematically erodes checks and balances, undermines the independent institutions, gerrymanders electoral laws, attacks civil society and the media. Arguably, the Fundamental Law serves to purpose of entrenching the power of Fidesz. Considering these developments over the past decade, one could raise the question how to conceptualize the current Hungarian political system? Does it still qualify as a liberal democracy, or should it be categorized as an autocracy, or perhaps a regime “in-between”? This essay seeks to explore the possible answers to this question.Show less
This thesis examines the factors that motivated the foreign policy of the French presidents François Mitterrand and Jacques Chirac during the Bosnian War. The findings explain the reasoning and the...Show moreThis thesis examines the factors that motivated the foreign policy of the French presidents François Mitterrand and Jacques Chirac during the Bosnian War. The findings explain the reasoning and the consequences of their strategy. The results contribute to the understanding of the diplomatic relations in the 1990s, explain the style of Mitterrand and Chirac, and complement the existing literature on French foreign policy and the Balkan Wars. This paper utilizes a variety of sources linked to Mitterrand, Chirac, the international institutional actors, and the Yugoslav Wars. These sources include newspaper articles, transcripts of telephone conversations, (auto)biographies, press conferences, institutional documents, and academic literature. As the leading supplier to the peacekeeping operations in the region, France held a dominant position in the international community. The conflict ended with the signing of a peace agreement in 1995 after four years of conflict. The resolution emerged from military pressure by the West. Reasons for the delayed response by France and her allies remained unclear. However, the findings in this paper elucidate that Chirac’s strategies had an important impact on the construction of a western solution. Contrarily, Mitterrand’s rhetoric and policies added to an unresponsive diplomatic environment where the use of military pressure was non-negotiable. Chirac’s strategy to pressure his international equals for the use of force and his preference for the involvement of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization stimulated an adequate response. Therefore, Chirac’s policy aided the response by the West that ended the Bosnian War whereas Mitterrand’s actions had the reversed effect. This implies that French foreign policy impacted the duration of the conflict. The period of war might have been shorter if military pressure was exerted in an earlier stage. Furthermore, the difference in strategy between the presidents contradicts the characterizations of the presidents. Mitterrand is famous for is a cooperative approach which was lacking during the conflict in the Balkans. Chirac is regarded as a president that preferred French military independence but co-produced an effective response with his western partners.Show less
Since the start of the European debt crisis in 2010, there have been signs of decreasing faith in the European Union. In this text, an effort is made to determine if there is a relationship between...Show moreSince the start of the European debt crisis in 2010, there have been signs of decreasing faith in the European Union. In this text, an effort is made to determine if there is a relationship between the worsening economic situation in European Union member states, and the rise of Euroscepticism in the last decade. The research examines three of the countries that were the most severely damaged by the European debt crisis: Ireland, Portugal, and Greece, and analyzes the trends of Euroscepticism in surveys and election results, comparing these trends to the respective economic situations. The research shows that while the crisis appears to have affected Euroscepticism to an extent, but also suggests that this is primarily a resurgence of latent Euroscepticism, present in Greece.Show less
