Een onderzoek over hoe de publieke ruimte werd gebruikt en opgeëist door communisten en sociaaldemocraten tijdens politieke straatactiviteiten in de Haagse Binnenstad tussen 1929 en 1939.
Een onderzoek over hoe de publieke ruimte werd gebruikt en opgeëist door communisten en sociaaldemocraten tijdens politieke straatactiviteiten in de Haagse Binnenstad tussen 1929 en 1939.
British- and American forces intervened in Siberia during the Russian Civil War. Due to their conflicting goals and the stark differences between the world views of the commanders on the ground,...Show moreBritish- and American forces intervened in Siberia during the Russian Civil War. Due to their conflicting goals and the stark differences between the world views of the commanders on the ground, any serious cooperation between the two forces was made impossbile.Show less
Aan de hand van de vroegste leenregisters uit de KB: Nationale Bibliotheek is onderzocht wie er in de vormende jaren van dit instituut (1798-1801) gebruik hebben gemaakt van de collectie. Er is...Show moreAan de hand van de vroegste leenregisters uit de KB: Nationale Bibliotheek is onderzocht wie er in de vormende jaren van dit instituut (1798-1801) gebruik hebben gemaakt van de collectie. Er is kwalitatief en kwantitatief uiteengezet wie de grootste gebruikers waren van de bibliotheek en welke werken er het meest gelezen werden. Aan de hand van deze bevinden is een relatie aangetoond tussen de leescultuur van deze gebruikers en de verlichtingsidealen uit de late achttiende- en vroege negentiende eeuw.Show less
In deze masterscriptie wordt getracht een bijdrage te leveren aan het verdragenrechtelijke debat omtrent de verdragen met 'onderdanen'. Door de ‘familie’ van Bourgondisch-Nederlandse...Show moreIn deze masterscriptie wordt getracht een bijdrage te leveren aan het verdragenrechtelijke debat omtrent de verdragen met 'onderdanen'. Door de ‘familie’ van Bourgondisch-Nederlandse vredesverdragen van de 15de eeuw te koppelen aan het debat omtrent de Vlaamse Opstand, kan onderzocht worden in hoeverre er een verschil was tussen deze vredesverdragen met ‘onderdanen’ en verdragen tussen vorsten onderling.Show less
This thesis shows the reluctant imperialist rhetoric stems from the “exceptionalism trope” underlying contemporaneous debates over Dutch colonialism. Instead it is insisted the activities of the...Show moreThis thesis shows the reluctant imperialist rhetoric stems from the “exceptionalism trope” underlying contemporaneous debates over Dutch colonialism. Instead it is insisted the activities of the Dutch East India Company along Java’s Northeast Coast between 1704 and 1720 can best be understood as a civilising mission. On the one hand, it is shown how the Dutch presence in Asia was imagined as a benign commercial enterprise, aimed at fostering intercultural cooperation and mutual friendship between nations. On the other hand, it is argued that the encounter with the non-European world stimulated the gradual proliferation of orientalist discourses, which eventually signalled the emergence of the Company as a the predecessor of the modern colonial state.Show less
Germany went into the war in the belief that the war would be intense, but that it would be comparatively short and manageable. This way of thinking was not particularly driven by well thought out...Show moreGermany went into the war in the belief that the war would be intense, but that it would be comparatively short and manageable. This way of thinking was not particularly driven by well thought out theories, instead it was a product of necessity. Because there was no substitute for the Schlieffen plan, in combination with the slow descent of the conflict in into a static bloodbath, German politicians and military leaders tried to find another way out of the catastrophe that the war had devolved into. These factors would eventually result in increasing pressure for the conclusion of the war through a peace initiative. This research paper set out to outline three major arguments. Firstly, that the main German peace offers were sincere in trying to conclude a negotiated peace. Secondly, that there was significant support for peace initiatives both in the general populace and in the military and political elite, although it did vary greatly per initiative. And finally, that the war dragged on because the minimum terms of both sides were deemed unacceptable by the governments and populations which put significant pressure on governments. This view directly contradicts the long-held argumentation along the lines of the Fischer-these and its later iterations which state that the peace initiatives were mainly a ruse and that the sole goal of the German government was the domination of Europe through extensive annexations and creating a network of puppet states. Especially the 1916 general peace offer is a strong piece of evidence that there were significant elements surrounding Bethmann-Hollweg and the Kaiser in the German state that were ready to conclude a peace without these extensive demands. Furthermore, the plethora of enthusiastic newspaper articles in combination with the support of mass-parties like the SPD and Zentrum for some of the proposals indicate that at least some of these peace initiatives could count on significant support from the German population.Show less
Een analyse van dagboeken en memoires van militairen die vochten in de Indonesische dekolonisatieoorlog. Hun relaas wordt vergeleken met uitkomsten in secundaire literatuur over oorzaken en...Show moreEen analyse van dagboeken en memoires van militairen die vochten in de Indonesische dekolonisatieoorlog. Hun relaas wordt vergeleken met uitkomsten in secundaire literatuur over oorzaken en motieven voor de oorlog. Aan de hand van het taalgebruik van de militairen in hun egodocumenten wordt een conclusie getrokken over hun referentiekader tijdens het conflict.Show less
This thesis examines to what extent Lega turned itself and its creation of the Padanian nation into a political religion between 1989 and 2001. It researches how Lega Nord and the nation it created...Show moreThis thesis examines to what extent Lega turned itself and its creation of the Padanian nation into a political religion between 1989 and 2001. It researches how Lega Nord and the nation it created aimed to involve itself in all aspects of its followers’ lives, and present them with a sense of community and purpose. The story Lega told, the symbols, myths and liturgy it used played an essential part in the development of this political religion. It is this story, these symbols and the liturgy that form the core of this thesis.Show less