Following the 1987 ECJ court case in which the Reinheitsgebot was deemed illegal and protectionist under EU Law, this thesis explores how German brewers responded by labelling their beers as being...Show moreFollowing the 1987 ECJ court case in which the Reinheitsgebot was deemed illegal and protectionist under EU Law, this thesis explores how German brewers responded by labelling their beers as being brewed according to the Reinheitsgebot, as a way of distinguishing their beers from other imported beers. Using Roland Barthes's ideas of Signs and Jason Bosland's theory of trade-marks and culture, it was explored in depth how German beers labelling their beers essentially trade-marked their beers to allow distinction from other beers. It was argued that by doing this, German brewers were essentially protecting their cultural heritage as the Reinheitsgebot is associated with German culture-the Reinheitsgebot is seen to be of great traditional significance in Germany. However, as Germany is renowned for its great beers, it was also explored to what extent this act by German brewers was due to economic (and marketing) reasons and not necessarily for cultural heritage reasons. Other elements were also explored such as the significance of the Reinheitsgebot as well as how it is increasingly challenged by German brewers today, with many arguing that it is prohibiting German brewers from keeping up with global beer markets. Furthermore, it was also considered how the Reinheitsgebot has an international perspective-how it is recognised by international brewers and how the Reinheitsgebot is perceived abroad.Show less
During the Iraq War the American government used Private Military Companies (PMCs) to a great extent, and in doing so they inserted a previously largely unknown force into a volatile post-conflict...Show moreDuring the Iraq War the American government used Private Military Companies (PMCs) to a great extent, and in doing so they inserted a previously largely unknown force into a volatile post-conflict situation without knowledge of the possible repercussions. This is especially of concern since PMCs have received a negative reputation for their involvement in Iraq, due to several scandals including prisoner abuse and war profiteering. When considering that the post-invasion mission of the United States was that of state building, it has to be examined if PMCs have affected state building. State building is thought to be one of the most important issues of our time-weak or failed states pose a threat to the international order and their neighbouring countries. This thesis examines how PMCs affected state building efforts in Iraq to provide future policy planners with more extensive knowledge of the possible ramifications of the use of PMCs. This is achieved through an analysis of factors contributing to state building, and an in-depth analysis of trust and legitimacy, as well as the effect that PMCs had upon them in Iraq. Based on these findings, recommendations for a more sustainable use of PMCs are made.Show less
In 2015 Iran, the P5+1 and the European Union signed the Nuclear Deal that was to dismantle, supervise and lead the process to minimise the nuclear capacity of Iran. This deal, together with its...Show moreIn 2015 Iran, the P5+1 and the European Union signed the Nuclear Deal that was to dismantle, supervise and lead the process to minimise the nuclear capacity of Iran. This deal, together with its preceding negotiations led to tensions between Iran and its rival Saudi Arabia. The question was whether this historical event would change the relation between these two countries and alter the Middle Eastern landscape, or whether it fits within the historical timeline of Saudi Arabia and Iran and that it merely was just another upheaval with little consequences. To examine this question, it is important to put this inquiry in the broader context of the Middle East, and to scrutinise the power relations those countries are involved in.Show less
The research underlying this thesis concentrates on a critical evaluation of the academic as well as biopolitical discourses that developed around the 1986 nuclear disaster of Chernobyl. It...Show moreThe research underlying this thesis concentrates on a critical evaluation of the academic as well as biopolitical discourses that developed around the 1986 nuclear disaster of Chernobyl. It presents an analysis of the paradoxical case of the ‘samosely’, the ‘self-settlers’ that re-settled themselves back into the highly contaminated exclusion zone illegally after the incident. The analysis of the studied case and the conclusions of this research are based on a theoretical framework of philosophical and psychological literature around the notions of identity and trauma, with a specific focus on the dimension of temporality. Perceived from our perspective as paradoxical and irrational, the study of the reasons underlying the behaviour of the ‘samosely’ aims to generate a new and multifaceted understanding of trauma. Furthermore, this thesis advocates for a complexification of the notion of survivor identity that ought to be disconnected from the misuses through political agendas and biopolitical interests.Show less
Public opinions, political visions and international interference were important aspects of the duration of the decolonisation wars in Indonesia and Algeria after the Second World War. These three...Show morePublic opinions, political visions and international interference were important aspects of the duration of the decolonisation wars in Indonesia and Algeria after the Second World War. These three factors influenced together the events that formed the wars. This thesis concentrates on these three aspects and shows how they are combined and explain the duration of the wars.Show less
This paper set out to examine how successful ASEAN was in making its regional governance more inclusive and “people-oriented”, as aimed for in its charter. This rhetorical shift towards greater...Show moreThis paper set out to examine how successful ASEAN was in making its regional governance more inclusive and “people-oriented”, as aimed for in its charter. This rhetorical shift towards greater people empowerment can be seen as a response to such external pressures as the rising civil society, international normative pressures as well as diminishing credibility due the regional challenges faced in the 90s, an attempt to regain ground domestically as well as internationally. It must be acknowledged that by adopting rhetoric of people empowerment slow but steady successes have been achieved. Notwithstanding the progress and benefits ASEAN’s change of course and following interactions have brought, in reality rhetoric is decoupled from ASEAN’s political practices. While attempting to regain ground, the association’s intergovernmental nature and on-going tensions between more and less democratic member states prevented it from actually embracing this course. Despite its expressed goals, ASEAN has so far failed to establish clear formal interfaces for the interaction with civil society. The conflict between the principle of sovereignty and the clear advantages of adhering to global trends and domestic pressures towards integration and democratisation that ASEAN faces is important to understand this discrepancy between expressed aspirations and political reality. Within ASEAN, ever increasing regional economic integration in the region stood in contrast with nationalistic sentiments and socio-economic developmental pressures. Indeed, existent consultations with civil society seem largely to be aimed at giving greater legitimacy to the charter- that ultimately only consolidated ASEAN’s state-centred nature. Facing competing institutional logics of the more democratic and traditionally more illiberal or even authoritarian member states, a situation of institutional complexity, decoupling rhetoric from practice enabled maintenance of the stability of the ASEAN community while retaining organisational efficiency. The association remains largely inaccessible to those rendered unsuitable to its reform agenda, making it not “people-oriented”.Show less
In the heart of the Caribbean, the Dominican Republic and Haiti occupy opposite ends of what before Columbus’s arrival in 1492 was known as Quizqueia. What has become a sun-drenched destination for...Show moreIn the heart of the Caribbean, the Dominican Republic and Haiti occupy opposite ends of what before Columbus’s arrival in 1492 was known as Quizqueia. What has become a sun-drenched destination for globetrotting travelers, news of the harsh human rights violations in the capital and the border areas mostly goes unnoticed by many. The current humanitarian crisis is the result of a deep-rooted historical and cultural conflict pestering the two island nations ever since the arrival of the European conquistadores. The vast majority of subsequent Dominican and Haitian recorded history has been characterized by foreign domination, political turbulence and chaos-inflicting dictatorships. The native peoples of the Arawak and Taíno tribes were soon decimated by Spanish colonization and its coercive implications. Populated mainly by Spanish and French colonists and later African slaves, colonial era struggles and territory disputes have developed into nearly constant conflict between Dominican and Haitian governments. In recent years, they have culminated in a controversial Dominican Constitutional Court ruling essentially stripping citizenship from all immigrants born to undocumented parents since 1929. As a result, four generations of supposed illegal Haitian and Dominican-born Haitian immigrants are left in a worrisome legal limbo. Apart from transportation to the newly built “Welcome Centers” in the border areas, these stateless people are left in social isolation without any rights and have to fear forcible removals that take place on a constant and ongoing basis (Abiu Lopez n.p.). Amnesty International, the UN Human Rights Council and online petitions call for international intervention in stopping arbitrary deportation and racial profiling (Mathurin n.p.). More specifically, pressure is put on the U.S. government to employ its hegemonic influence to alleviate the tense political and social situation in its Caribbean backyard. Those requesting Washington’s support seem to forget its controversial role in a not so distant past. Mostly through political and economic relations, the White House has employed a vast array of foreign policy measures towards the Dominican Republic and Haiti. One of these was having the back of what may have been one of the most murderous dictators of the Americas. The U.S. both publicly and privately supported the Dominican dictator Rafael Trujillo throughout the Eisenhower and Kennedy administration until 1961, who developed a nationalist idea of antihaitianismo: a policy of racial discrimination and prosecution towards black inhabitants. Vestiges of this institutionalization of anti-Haitian sentiment still remain in today’s Dominican political culture and greatly backfire on the humanitarian crisis at hand.Show less
