In the early 1990s, the UN intervened in Cambodia in order to democratise the country. Since then Cambodia has adopted more democratic institutions. Although the country became more democratic in...Show moreIn the early 1990s, the UN intervened in Cambodia in order to democratise the country. Since then Cambodia has adopted more democratic institutions. Although the country became more democratic in official terms, the country largely operates outside of accepted democratic values. The aim of this paper is therefore to find out to what extent Cambodia can be considered a democracy. Focussing on the indicators of democratisation and de-democratisation processes (breadth, equality, protection, and mutually binding consultation), it becomes clear that Cambodia has been experiencing a process of de-democratisation. At the same time, the ruling party managed to increase its state capacity. This has been a necessary tool for the party to stay in power. Acknowledging that high state capacity can contribute to democratisation processes, it is surprising that high state capacity and democratisation do not seem to go hand in hand in the Cambodian case. The form of state capacity is therefore an important aspect. Focussing on Cambodia, it soon becomes clear that the country deviates from the Western standard. Cambodian politics and economics are centred around patronage and neopatrimonialism. This has been the main reason why efforts towards democratisation have failed in Cambodia and why an authoritarian regime remains in power.Show less
“Marcos is not a Hero!”, were the words that echoed throughout the country in the later months of 2016. The echoes reached far and beyond its domestic boundaries. For a moment, the cries of the...Show more“Marcos is not a Hero!”, were the words that echoed throughout the country in the later months of 2016. The echoes reached far and beyond its domestic boundaries. For a moment, the cries of the people - of the people who suffered, of the people whose loved ones are still missing, of the people who stood and continue to stand against the tyranny the Marcos regime reigned on the Philippines, resounded across the entire globe. Local and International media did not hold back on the coverage of the protesters who organized themselves in the masses in the Philippines, as well as in diaspora communities across Europe, the United States and Asia. The national outcry against the Marcos regime was a direct result of the decision made by the Supreme Court of the Philippines and President Rodrigo R. Duterte to allow former dictator Ferdinand Marcos to be buried at the Libingan ng Mga Bayani (LNMB or Heroes‟ Cemetery) on 18. November 2016.The burial of the former President Ferdinand E. Marcos at the Heroes Cemetery in November ignited a mix of pent up emotions on authoritarian rulership among millions of Filipinos. Speculations on the familial ties or characteristic similarities between Marcos and Duterte were kept at bay prior to the burial. Nevertheless, when President Duterte and the Supreme Court decided that they will pursue the state burial for the former dictator, it became evident that thirty years of democracy were not enough to forget the torrid past. During the burial demonstrations, the similarities between both former President Marcos and incumbent President Duterte began to raise suspicion on the return of the Marcosian ideology, the revitalization of strongman rulership and the “glorification the authoritarian brand of leadership” (Paddock 2016; Philstar.com „Marcos not a hero!‟ 2016). Prior to winning the 2016 Presidential Elections, Rodrigo Duterte‟s use of the populist political style became clear to the public, especially during specific turning points and highlights in his campaign. During his candidacy, Duterte neither hesitated to joke about rape, nor to speak about his plans to bring back the death penalty, to perform extrajudicial killings, or to reinstate Martial Law if needed. Every speech, video and article that came out about the candidate seemed to test the morality of the people more and more. The theatricality of Duterte‟s candidacy became evident in the narrative, in which he has constructed himself, as well as in the language that he used to articulate himself, and even in his late arrival to the elections (Curato 2017; 146-147). As Duterte‟s political style quickly proved its success, certain questions came to mind about the current progression of liberal democracy, like: How are Filipinos able to disregard their (catholic) morals and give their full support to a violent, threatening and misogynist leader? Have the pent-up feelings of the “silent majority” finally reached its culminating point? And, most importantly, how has he been able to successfully harness popular support out of hate, fear and bigotry? These questions on the fanaticism between both pro- and anti-Duterte, or pro- and anti-Marcos for that matter, are what sparked my initial interest in the Duterte phenomenon, regarding his 6 sudden rise in popularity, landslide victory and continued support from the electorate. Hence, this thesis will attempt to answer the research question: “How is Rodrigo inspired by Marcosian Politics?” in order to understand the revitalization of strongman rule and Marcosian Politics. To answer the overarching research question, the thesis will look into the aspects that contribute to the idea that the incumbent president is in any way inspired by the former dictator. This entails a closer look into Rodrigo Duterte‟s rise to power, as well as a look into how both presidents have treated their opposition. The sequence of the sub-questions gives focus to the thesis and clarifies the points that will be considered when analysing the elements of Marcosian Politics that Duterte allegedly draws inspiration from.Show less
The main aim of this thesis is to explore the implications of democracy promotion on ensuring free and fair elections in hybrid regimes. Despite the recent wave of democratization, some countries...Show moreThe main aim of this thesis is to explore the implications of democracy promotion on ensuring free and fair elections in hybrid regimes. Despite the recent wave of democratization, some countries have plunged back into authoritarianism. These regimes combine both democratic and authoritarian principles. Resultantly, they are referred to as hybrid regimes. The most common democratic feature that these hybrid regimes adapt are multiparty elections. However, elections in hybrid regimes are characterized by rigging of elections and serious human rights violations. Consequently, the international community has renewed its democracy promotion efforts. Similarly, the European Union (EU) has strengthened its democracy promotion in hybrid regimes with a focus on elections. This thesis seeks to answer the research question: What are the implications of the European Union’s democracy promotion on elections in Zimbabwe and Cambodia? The research question shall be answered through a comparative case study on the implications of the EU's democracy promotion on elections held in Zimbabwe and Cambodia from 2000 to 2013. Both case studies shall examine how internal factors (local factors within the countries) and external factors (weaknesses inherent in the EU's democracy promotion) influence the EU's efforts to ensure free and fair elections in hybrid regimes.Show less
Generally speaking, democratic values and confucian values are conceived to be irreconcilable. However, if one gives a closer look at John Deweys conception of a democracy, the opposite rather...Show moreGenerally speaking, democratic values and confucian values are conceived to be irreconcilable. However, if one gives a closer look at John Deweys conception of a democracy, the opposite rather seems to be the case. What is more, if one gives a closer look at the problems in the current Chinese healthcare system, a combination of democratic values and confucian values might just help Chinese officials to solve this problem - in the form of a Confucian Democracy.Show less
In January 2016, the newly established Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) started its operations. Supposed by media and academics to be partly a reaction to an unsatisfying international...Show moreIn January 2016, the newly established Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB) started its operations. Supposed by media and academics to be partly a reaction to an unsatisfying international financial system, the emergence of this bank - which is still ongoing - has incited heated debate about the intentions behind its founding. One point of concern for more conservative analysts is the effect of its emergence on Sino-Japanese relations. Is the AIIB aiming at changing these relations and in what way does it or does it not? This thesis argues that concerns over a supposed hidden agenda or over supposed structural changes in China's foreign relations are not completely reasonable. The way in which the AIIB has been presenting itself to the world in its first operational year does not confirm worries among media and academics so far. Consequently, based on its first operational year of extensive cooperation with other development banks, the AIIB seems to be an institution that is rather conducive than detrimental to global development, also to the extent of Sino-Japanese relations.Show less
