Most scholars agree that the Japanese amphibious strategy is fundamentally flawed by the lack of cooperation between the Japanese Self Defense Forces’ (JSDF) ground and maritime branches, as well...Show moreMost scholars agree that the Japanese amphibious strategy is fundamentally flawed by the lack of cooperation between the Japanese Self Defense Forces’ (JSDF) ground and maritime branches, as well as the latter’s lack of dedicated amphibious capabilities. However, while the struggles of the Japanese Ground Self Defense Force (JGSDF) have been extensively documented in papers and interviews by academics, retired JGSDF and United States Marine Corps (USMC) officers, research on its Japanese Maritime Self Defense Force (JMSDF) counterpart has lagged behind. The JMSDF’s amphibious warfare unit, counterintuitively or perhaps fittingly called the Mine Warfare Force (MWF), is only mentioned contextually, and portrayed as an inadequate JMSDF counterpart to the JGSDF’s marines. Yet, the archipelago nation, standing as the greatest obstacle to China's seaward expansion, cannot afford to possess ineffective amphibious forces. Whether it is from the perspective of containing, deterring, or fighting the People's Liberation Army (PLA), for Japan, the ability to quickly deploy and sustain forces on its islands is essential. Why was arguably the most professional Navy in Asia unable to develop an effective amphibious counterpart for Japan's naval infantry? By conducting a comprehensive analysis of Japanese naval literature from official and quasi-official sources, this thesis aims to demonstrate that, contrary to common wisdom, neither Japan's pacifist nature nor a preconceived lack of JMSDF interest in amphibious capabilities shaped this result. Instead, the deeper reasons for this failure must be sought in intra- and inter-organizational politics within the JSDF. To prove this point, the thesis will analyze the MWF's evolution from its inception to the present day, focusing on three transformational moments that occurred in the periods of 2011 to 2013, 2014 to 2017, and 2018 to 2023.Show less
This paper investigates political cartoons concerning Sino-Japanese relations from the Japanese perspective, focusing on certain key events of particular contention between China and Japan. Its aim...Show moreThis paper investigates political cartoons concerning Sino-Japanese relations from the Japanese perspective, focusing on certain key events of particular contention between China and Japan. Its aim is to identify particular strategies in political cartoons in order to influence public perception about certain political topics. For this a series of political cartoons was selected to be analyzed by a process called Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). By doing this, it analyzed the strategies political cartoonists use to pursue a certain narrative. In conclusion, although there seems to be somewhat of a correlation between what kind of event is being described and the type of imagery being used, more political cartoons will need to be analyzed to come to a definitive conclusion.Show less
In November 2014, India’s newly elected Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced the “Act East Policy” (AEP), which aims to increase economic and strategic cooperation with Indo-Pacific countries and...Show moreIn November 2014, India’s newly elected Prime Minister Narendra Modi announced the “Act East Policy” (AEP), which aims to increase economic and strategic cooperation with Indo-Pacific countries and deepen cultural relationships. It does so on a regional, multilateral, and bilateral level. Although there is academic literature on this policy, most of the literature looks at the AEP through a realist lens, thereby considering it a mere “balancing” effort against China’s increasing influence in the region. This thesis opts to diversify the literature on the AEP by taking a constructivist approach. In doing so it seeks to understand how the ruling Hindu Nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) conceptions of India’s state identity have shaped the AEP. Using the value-action framework and process-tracing method, this thesis finds that there are three identities which create values that shape the BJP’s preferences for the AEP. Firstly, the “challenged state” identity gives rise to the ‘increasing national security’ value. The second identity, a “once-thriving civilization”, gives rise to two closely connected values: ‘creating an economically stronger India’ and ‘ensuring India gets its rightful place in the comity of nations and international institutions’. Lastly, the “democracy shaped by Hinduism in a changing Asian landscape” identity gives rise to the ‘establishing a democratic and rules-based international order’ value. However, through assessment of India’s wider foreign policy behaviour this thesis finds that these values do not all carry equal weight. It argues that the pursuit of national security, prosperity and indirectly the pursuit of India’s “rightful place” on the international stage were the main factors leading to the establishment of the AEP. Thus, concluding that the “challenged” state and “once-thriving civilization” identities have more influence on the AEP under BJP rule than the “democracy shaped by Hinduism in a changing Asian landscape” identity.Show less
The Japanese government responded to successive natural disasters by passing the 2013 disaster resilience law, which placed more responsibility on local governments to deal with natural disasters....Show moreThe Japanese government responded to successive natural disasters by passing the 2013 disaster resilience law, which placed more responsibility on local governments to deal with natural disasters. Although this law intended to improve and safeguard people’s well-being after natural disasters, it exacerbated it. This thesis examines two case studies, the 2016 Kumamoto Earthquakes and the 2020 Kyushu Floods, to examine the law’s effects. The case studies show that delegating to the local level leaves out essential aspects for feasible aims for effective disaster management to improve human-wellbeing. The governmental system remains rigid with neoliberal characteristics and omits the possibility of effective disaster response and recovery efforts. The current Japanese disaster management does not allow for innovation, quick decision-making, adequate funding and close cooperation for the short-term and long-term. As a result, the sociopolitical vulnerabilities become more apparent during disaster response exacerbating human-wellbeing. Japanese citizens have limited access to mental health services, remain in temporary housing for extended periods, and have reconstruction issues. Local communities struggle with a future without prospects.Show less
