This research paper explores the practice of traditional tattoos by Moroccan women through the scope of subaltern resistance against colonial violence perpetrated by the French Protectorate in...Show moreThis research paper explores the practice of traditional tattoos by Moroccan women through the scope of subaltern resistance against colonial violence perpetrated by the French Protectorate in Morocco. A multifaceted Amazigh ritual rich with social codes, this tradition has been rumoured to have undergone a mutation under European colonialism. After having presented the system of power of the Protectorate, its structural violence targeted towards local inhabitants and forms of opposition set in motion by the latter, a polysemic analysis of the tattoo ritual of Moroccan women has been investigated and linked with subaltern resistance. In order to follow the thought of post-colonialism and subaltern studies, the testimony of a tattooed Moroccan woman has been collected. The findings are useful to understand the balance of power between a colonial state apparatus and subaltern women, the political implications tied to culture such as traditional rituals, resistance through the everyday, and the connection between culture and politics in International Relations.Show less
This thesis analyses how the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) African bias has affected the judicial system in Africa at regional and international levels. First, the current literature on the...Show moreThis thesis analyses how the International Criminal Court’s (ICC) African bias has affected the judicial system in Africa at regional and international levels. First, the current literature on the ICC’s African bias and the African judicial system will be reviewed. Next, it will be analysed why the African Union (AU) and its Member States see the ICC as biased against Africa. Then it will be analysed what the AU’s judicial response is to the ICC’s African bias and how this response seeks to interpret international criminal law. Based on these reviews and analyses, this research concludes that the ICC’s African bias has affected the judicial system in Africa at regional and international levels by creating a continental human rights and criminal court that has jurisdiction over international criminal law. This research ends with the observation that the African Court on Justice and Human and Peoples’ Rights (ACJHPR) is created to replace the ICC as both Courts have jurisdiction over crimes against humanity, war crimes, genocide and the crime of aggression. However, the replacement of the ICC could create an extra layer between Africa and the ICC, once the relationship and hierarchy between the two Courts are established.Show less
People of African descent in the West share a similar experience of oppression through European colonization and the Trans-Atlantic slave trade. Such a shared experience has led to a transnational...Show morePeople of African descent in the West share a similar experience of oppression through European colonization and the Trans-Atlantic slave trade. Such a shared experience has led to a transnational black consciousness. The black scholars W.E.B. DuBois and Frantz Fanon both discussed this concept, which describes an the existence of transnational black solidarity and identity, due to the subjugation to oppression. The black race has become the subject of negative discourses, a product of white supremacy and western hegemony. This thesis is a postcolonial reading of the artworks of black American artist Jean-Michel Basquiat and the Black British artist Chris Ofili, through which we explore the transnational connection among the peoples of the African diaspora. With the use of semiotic analysis, we uncover the hidden meanings within Basquiat’s and Ofili’s work, analyzing the themes of being black in the West and being black in connection to the African diaspora.Show less
This thesis explores how the notion of global citizenship is promoted by the voluntourist organization World Servants. This thesis uncovers the origins of global citizenship as a cosmopolitan ideal...Show moreThis thesis explores how the notion of global citizenship is promoted by the voluntourist organization World Servants. This thesis uncovers the origins of global citizenship as a cosmopolitan ideal, yet also laying bare the (post-colonial) critiques that have been voiced against the practices of cosmopolitanism and global citizenship. By using Hans Schattle (2008) his conceptualization of global citizenship in stages of awareness, responsibility and participation, this thesis examines the promotional materials of the Dutch organization World Servants. This thesis found that the organization is using global citizenship as a commodity which can be obtained by the voluntourists by going on their volunteer trip. The voluntourists can brand or package themselves as global citizens after the volunteer experience, which can be beneficial for them later in life on the labor market or in their personal career.Show less
This thesis investigated the Dutch societal memory concerning the Indonesian War of Independence (1945-1949). I have explored the reflection of this change in a diachronic corpus of documentaries...Show moreThis thesis investigated the Dutch societal memory concerning the Indonesian War of Independence (1945-1949). I have explored the reflection of this change in a diachronic corpus of documentaries dealing with the Indonesian War of Independence, covering a period from 1945-2019. After examining four themes (violence, self-image, justification, and different voices), I came to the conclusion that the Dutch societal memory has changed from ignoring the violence of the war towards the acknowledgement of the past mistakes.Show less
The purpose of this thesis is to provide a deeper understanding of the British government’s discursive and practical involvement in the Saudi-led coalition’s ‘Operation Restoring Hope’, in Yemen....Show moreThe purpose of this thesis is to provide a deeper understanding of the British government’s discursive and practical involvement in the Saudi-led coalition’s ‘Operation Restoring Hope’, in Yemen. To do so, it pursues three central arguments. First, using the de-classified governmental record, it is argued that Anglo-Yemeni relations can be characterised by two interlinked political-economic objectives rooted in colonial governance. Namely, the objectives to shape a political environment favourable for British commercial enterprise. Second, it is argued that officials employ two interwoven discourses which represent the government’s involvement in terms of solving a humanitarian crisis and countering terrorism. Using a critical discourse analysis, this section will draw upon statements from leading officials and will analyse the ways in which the government represents its involvement in Yemen. Here, it is shown that officials cast Britain as a humanitarian actor in a conflict between good and evil. Further, it is argued that these discursive choices accompany and legitimate the performance of practices (i.e. blockade and aerial bombing) which are largely responsible for the humanitarian crisis and structural violence to which the government is responding. Finally, it is argued that the government’s discourse and practices rely on an unsupported appeal to the national interest. Rather, Britain’s involvement in Yemen is more clearly understood as a part of a wider form of governance under which the prosperity and security of an elite constituency is prioritised over that of the wider population.Show less
The Non-Aligned Movement and the Group of 77 were established in the 1960s as two organizations working primarily through the United Nations to represent the issues and interests of the Global...Show moreThe Non-Aligned Movement and the Group of 77 were established in the 1960s as two organizations working primarily through the United Nations to represent the issues and interests of the Global South. This thesis researches why the Non-Aligned Movement and the Group of 77 have not merged together despite their overwhelming similarities. In addition, it is researched what the (dis)advantages of merging together would be for the two organizations.Show less
Considering the global boom in Transitional Justice (TJ) and its bureaucratization since the 1980s, critical multi-disciplinary scholars realised that ‘transitional’ discourses and practices were...Show moreConsidering the global boom in Transitional Justice (TJ) and its bureaucratization since the 1980s, critical multi-disciplinary scholars realised that ‘transitional’ discourses and practices were depoliticizing alternative political perspectives. But although they refer to interrelated phenomena, their language and chief academic objectives diverge, making depoliticization incoherent and under-conceptualized. This paper unifies prior efforts by asking what depoliticization is and tracing its consequences. We present six tentative definitions of depoliticization, categorise them into three types, and incorporate our preferred definition into our methodology. In a case study of TJ and post-transitional activism in Argentina during 1983-1996, we map its occurrence beginning with a depoliticizing move in 1983 by the Alfonsín administration that facilitated the production of Nunca Mas in 1984 and examine its relationship to the marginalization of the Madres de Plaza de Mayo, a civil society organisation that emerged in response to mass disappearances under the former military junta. We conclude that depoliticization occurred and contributed to marginalization of the Madres de Plaza de Mayo, having produced a clear conceptual framework for further applications of depoliticization in contexts of TJ.Show less
This thesis seeks to explain the motivations behind the transition from sanctions to negotiations in the context of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPoA) or the ‘Iran Deal’. Firstly, an...Show moreThis thesis seeks to explain the motivations behind the transition from sanctions to negotiations in the context of the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPoA) or the ‘Iran Deal’. Firstly, an elaboration on two-level negotiation theory is offered. Consequently, and in line with the underlying assumptions of the reviewed literature, three factors are assessed in order to provide an answer to the main research question ‘What factors best explain the coming about of the Joint Plan of Action?’ These are historic events that shaped relations, the effectiveness of the sanctions imposed, and the respective political leadership. This question is highly relevant and topical, as where President Obama in both of his election campaigns openly sought diplomatic rapprochement with Iran, President Trump campaigned the promise to withdraw from the JCPoA and re-impose sanctions. The findings of this thesis show that rationality is not a durable approach to international decision-making. Ineffectiveness of the sanctions did not prevent them from being continued or even aggravated. Rather, a determining factor in the case of Iran seems to be the leadership of both countries. These two factors gave the political momentum to realise the start of negotiationsShow less
A deepening political crisis in Europe is accompanied by increasing civil discontent which directly translates into decreasing trust in political systems and political outcomes deficit of...Show moreA deepening political crisis in Europe is accompanied by increasing civil discontent which directly translates into decreasing trust in political systems and political outcomes deficit of legitimacy. It is already contributing to the emergence of potentially dangerous and exclusive policies as populism and Euroscepticism is on spectacular rise, endangering liberal democracies of the continent and the European regional project. Therefore, a search for political innovation that could effectively address these issues is excessively justified. This thesis seeks to offer a solution by investigating the possibilities to extend popular sovereignty of citizens via the better integration of technological advances into the political life of European states. Such intention could not only carry the possibility to nurse some of the most serious societal grievances but also would adopt the conduct of 21st century politics to the ongoing trends set out by the Fourth Industrial Revolution.Show less
This thesis aims at assessing the US rhetorical response in terms of democracy promotion to the events of the Arab Uprising, with a particular focus on the political transitions started in Egypt...Show moreThis thesis aims at assessing the US rhetorical response in terms of democracy promotion to the events of the Arab Uprising, with a particular focus on the political transitions started in Egypt after 2011. Given the long history the mutual interests between the US and Egypt, the study conducts a throughout discourse analysis on the US statements and speeches delivered in the period 2011-2014, using the method of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). The analysis identifies three major narratives displayed by the US narrative, namely democracy promotion, regional stability/US-Egypt partnership and security interests, in order to understand how the discourses came together in the US rhetoric. More specifically, the thesis contends that, after an initial cautious support for the Egyptian democratization, the Obama administration increased the narrative on democracy promotion in 2011 and 2012, while associating it to the regional stability discourse. However, after the initial democracy euphoria displayed in the first two years after the revolution, the exam of the documents seems to reveal a notable prioritization of the security narrative in 2013 and 2014, especially with reference to counterterrorism practices and regional security. Finally, the thesis underlines the presence of a tension between the democracy promotion and the fostering of security objectives which worsened after the ouster of Morsi in July 2013.Show less
This thesis analyses the considerations of British officials when arriving at positions on granting sovereignty/ authority to: (i) the Greeks in Smyrna, southwest Anatolia; (ii) the Armenians...Show moreThis thesis analyses the considerations of British officials when arriving at positions on granting sovereignty/ authority to: (i) the Greeks in Smyrna, southwest Anatolia; (ii) the Armenians within north-eastern Anatolia; (iii) the Kurds within south-eastern Anatolia; (iv) and the Kurds within the Mosul vilayet (Southern Kurdistan/ present-day northern Iraq), from 1918-1926. The concepts of “Orientalism” and “civilisation” provide the theoretical basis and are applied to the sources analysed. The thesis argues that Britain’s actions were influenced by the prevailing stereotypes of each people and “civilisation”, but ultimately rooted in political and economic interest. The Paris Peace Conference presented an opportunity to strengthen Britain’s position in the eastern Mediterranean and in the Middle East through support for the design of friendly states and re-drawing the political map of the territory within the former Ottoman empire. Each case was part of the process of erecting a new imperial structure in the Middle East. This new structure was to be based upon the organising principle of ethnic nationalism, as promoted by the Allied powers, including Britain. The British role in each case can be described as: the leading supporter of Greek goals in Anatolia; predominantly a supportive observer of Armenian goals in Anatolia, leaving the French to play the role of lead supporter; a cautiously supportive observer of the Anatolian Kurds with little authority outside of its dictation of the Treaty of Sèvres; and a cautious detractor of the autonomy of southern Kurds, having occupied the Mosul vilayet in 1918 and held full colonial authority over it, experimenting with autonomy but ultimately deciding on its abandonment. By 1926, the goals of the Greeks, Armenians, and Kurds in Anatolia and Southern Kurdistan had not been achieved, and all had withered away in British Middle Eastern policy.Show less
