Nur-Sultan, first named Akmola and then Astana, is a planned capital, like Brasília in Brazil, New Delhi in India and Canberra in Australia. This kind of capital has been purposively build in a...Show moreNur-Sultan, first named Akmola and then Astana, is a planned capital, like Brasília in Brazil, New Delhi in India and Canberra in Australia. This kind of capital has been purposively build in a specific location, mostly due to a better climate or due to an overpopulated area. However, in the case of Astana, the capital was relocated for different and rather undemocratic reasons, as this study finds: to suit the changes of an authoritarian regime in a new independent country. This study offers an explanation for how Kazakhstan’s capital relocation in 1997 has been legitimised by the country’s former president Nursultan Nazarbayev. This is done through a qualitative content analysis of Nazarbayev’s public speeches from 1991 to 2017 as research material, wherein he discusses the capital relocation and its significance. It is found that the new capital is meant to be the showpiece of Kazakh culture and identity; and a symbol of economic prosperity and the regime’s geopolitical vision. In addition, it should become the centre of Central Asia, and also Eurasia, which is in line with the country’s legitimation strategy of i.e. playing the leading role in the Eurasian region.Show less
The Russian Revolution in 1917 brought vast changes to the inhabitants of Petrograd. However it is questionable whether for most people the political changes themselves were tangible or even...Show moreThe Russian Revolution in 1917 brought vast changes to the inhabitants of Petrograd. However it is questionable whether for most people the political changes themselves were tangible or even relevant. By using contemporary approaches to the history of everyday life, this study investigates the issue of everyday problems and coping mechanisms in Petrograd during the revolution. It switches the perspective to that of people who were not involved in revolutionary politics: the Russian-English novelist and historian Edith Almedingen (1898-1971) and the Russian poet Zinaida Hippius (1869-1945). The thesis shows that Hippius, Almedingen, and the persons they observed used a broad array of strategies. Regardless of the concrete coping mechanisms, everything boiled down to personal and collective survival. The comparison between the two women suggests that ‘objective’ circumstances such as social background and possessions did not fully determine how well people coped with challenges.Show less
This thesis investigates the reappearance of the Russian prison camp memoir. It investigates how these contemporary prison camp memoirs are connected to prison camp writing from the past. I used...Show moreThis thesis investigates the reappearance of the Russian prison camp memoir. It investigates how these contemporary prison camp memoirs are connected to prison camp writing from the past. I used the contemporary prison camp memoirs of Maria Alyokhina (2017) and Ildar Dadin (2018). Both were political prisoners, convicted in politically motivated trials, and served sentenced in the modern day system of Russian penal colonies. Their memoirs are a product of the growing repression that takes place under president Vladimir Putin. Russia has a long tradition of prison camp writing. The contemporary prison camp memoirs recall this past, and are therefore looked at in the context of this tradition, especially that of Gulag memoir writing. The thesis first looks at the most important aspects of the narratives of the contemporary memoirs, which they share with Gulag memoirs (retrospect, testimonial function and a bi-functionality). Secondly it investigates the structure of the narratives, and how these share the four morphological features of Gulag memoirs as formulated by Leona Toker, who analyzed the corpus of Gulag memoirs. Thirdly, it explores how the authors of the contemporary prison camp memoirs inscribe their memoirs in the tradition of Russian prison camp writing, and how they deploy the past in their narratives about the present.Show less
The legislative changes of the past two decades have been influencing the civil society in the Russian Federation. The most recent laws led to stigmatisation and problems in regard to funding and...Show moreThe legislative changes of the past two decades have been influencing the civil society in the Russian Federation. The most recent laws led to stigmatisation and problems in regard to funding and cross-sectoral cooperation between organisations. To what extent an NGO working in Russia benefits from or suffers under the laws, differs from the work field of the NGO. While the Russian authorities support many ‘socially useful’ NGOs with grants and cooperation, organisations focusing on human and environmental rights experience the more negative consequences of the laws and encounter difficulties to receive (financial) support. This thesis discusses which strategies Russian organisations use to counter the “crackdown” on the civil society. The research focuses on the case of Memorial Human Rights Center (Memorial HRC). Memorial HRC is a leading human rights organisation and one of the oldest civil rights organisations in Russia. The thesis provides an overview of the situation for Memorial HRC, and which protection and survival strategies the organisation uses to secure its future.Show less
This thesis is focused on the troublesome relationship between Russia and the Council of Europe. Confrontations between Russia and Council of Europe institutions occurred throughout the years and...Show moreThis thesis is focused on the troublesome relationship between Russia and the Council of Europe. Confrontations between Russia and Council of Europe institutions occurred throughout the years and the troublesome relationship is currently shown by the PACE decision to strip Russia of its voting rights and Russia’s decision to stop its annual payments to the organisation. To research Russia’s behaviour within this organisation, I tested the official Russian discourse about the organisation and interviewed people working on a daily basis with the Council of Europe. This research found that in the years leading up to 2014, Russian officials mixed positive and negative statements about the organisation. Sometimes the organisation was described as a platform for Pan-European organisation, whereas in other occasions the organisation was labelled politicised and anti-Russian. Since Russia lost its voting rights in the PACE in 2014, the official discourse changed towards a confrontational strategy and almost all statements were critical about the Council of Europe and Russia regularly threatened to leave. This finding was endorsed by the interviewees who argued that a possible Russian exit would heavily damage the organisation and the protection of human rights in Russia.Show less
Unrecognized states seek legitimacy, both domestic and international. The most recent unrecognized state is the Russian backed 'Donetsk People's Republic' (DNR) in South-Eastern Ukraine. The DNR...Show moreUnrecognized states seek legitimacy, both domestic and international. The most recent unrecognized state is the Russian backed 'Donetsk People's Republic' (DNR) in South-Eastern Ukraine. The DNR presents itself with their 'state' media, published on-line in Russian and English. This thesis analyzes the media with the help of Analyzing the articles published, it becomes clear the legitimation strategies of the DNR focus on highlighting the differences between the DNR, which is portrayed as the victim, and Ukraine, which is portrayed as the agressor. The strategy is based more on discrediting Ukraine than promoting the DNR. Such a strategy may be relatively successful, given that local attitudes are relatively anti-Ukrainian due regular shelling and the predominance of Russian news media in the region. The English language articles follow the same line. However, these articles do not reach a wide audience and the effect on international legitimacy is negligible.Show less
This thesis examines the extent to which civil society in Russia engages in formal decision-making processes by analyzing the case of the development of the Zenit Arena in Saint Petersburg....Show moreThis thesis examines the extent to which civil society in Russia engages in formal decision-making processes by analyzing the case of the development of the Zenit Arena in Saint Petersburg. Throughout the thesis, an understanding of public interest in participating in governance processes, as well as the attitude of the authorities towards including civil society actors, has been obtained.Show less
This research maps the development of Russian sport-fishing from 1847 until it had become a highly popular leisure activity in the Soviet Union in the late 1960s. It first investigates the literary...Show moreThis research maps the development of Russian sport-fishing from 1847 until it had become a highly popular leisure activity in the Soviet Union in the late 1960s. It first investigates the literary and material angling framework established by such writers as Sergey Timofeevich Aksakov (1791 - 1859), Leonid Pavlovich Sabaneev (1844 - 1898) and some of their pre-revolutionary successors such as Pavel Gavrilovich Cherkasov, Anatoliy Dimitrievich Shemansky and Feopempt Paramonovich Kunilov. The second part investigates the ways in which Soviet officials instrumentalized the activity to raise health standards and influence social behaviors. They did so by incorporating the activity into the Soviet policy of Fizkul'tura (Physical Culture and Sports). As such, it became tied to labour unions, the komsomol and various other institutions and enterprises which highly attributed to the popularisation of the activity. This soon caused the regime some notorious issues, most notably in the areas of environmentalism and industrial output, which are extensively treated in the third and final part of this research.Show less
This thesis describes the Dutch account of the August Coup in Moscow, 1991. The study focusses on the image that was created in eight Dutch newspapers. The newspapers were full of praise for the...Show moreThis thesis describes the Dutch account of the August Coup in Moscow, 1991. The study focusses on the image that was created in eight Dutch newspapers. The newspapers were full of praise for the people on the Streets and the new opposition leader Boris Yeltsin. Their fighting spirit was linked to a craving for democracy and further reforms. A few commentators remained sceptical. They pointed to the lack of a democratic tradition in Russia and claimed that the sudden freedom might cripple the Russian population.Show less
Since the early days of the Soviet Union, the Evenks have been subject to interventionist linguistic legislation affecting the status of their language. Following a diachronic-descriptive approach,...Show moreSince the early days of the Soviet Union, the Evenks have been subject to interventionist linguistic legislation affecting the status of their language. Following a diachronic-descriptive approach, this work provides a comprehensive overview on the vitality of Evenki in relation to the linguistic policies applied from the early Soviet period until today. To assess the vitality of this language, I take into account the nine factors established by the UNESCO Ad Hoc Expert Group on Endangered Languages in 2003, examining them in light of the linguistic policies implemented from the early Soviet period until today.Show less
During the last half of the nineteenth century, major European colonial powers tended to see society as something that was malleable and that the state should act as a ‘’gardener of society’’...Show moreDuring the last half of the nineteenth century, major European colonial powers tended to see society as something that was malleable and that the state should act as a ‘’gardener of society’’ rooting out ‘’weeds’’ in the ‘’social body’’ wherever they are through the use of military statistics, surveillance, deportation and the use of force among other things. This idea of social engineering became conceptually and practicably possible only with the rising concern through the last half of the nineteenth century for the social realm and the emergence of technologies for acting upon this realm. This thesis is about how the Bolsheviks, inspired by these ideas, used violence as an instrument in applying social engineering and the fashioning of a new (Soviet) social body during the Russian Civil War. The subject of this thesis is the Cheka, the first Bolshevik secret police and security agency, and its leader Feliks Dzerzhinsky, and takes as its starting point that these actors might have played a crucial role in the execution of the so-called ‘’gardening state’’ and the use of violence in achieving a ‘’pure’’ Soviet social body in which ‘’contaminating elements’’ have been excised. I will show to what extent the Cheka conceptualised and operated on society through techniques of violence during the Russian Civil War. I argue that the Cheka and its leader Feliks Dzerzhinsky played a prominent role in the execution of the ‘’gardening state’’ that the Bolsheviks were in the process of shaping. Both their conceptualisation in language as well as their violent performances can be deducted as partly the result of envisioning the Soviet social body to be a supposed utopia, that required the excising of unreliable, unwanted or dangerous elements. These elements were plentiful, and in the end, the classification of what was considered malign could be extended to those individuals considered allies of the Bolsheviks, or even Bolsheviks themselves. However, deviations by both Dzerzhinsky and his chekisty occurred on multiple occasions in relation to cleansing society of elements. It is these deviations that call into question to what extent the Cheka thought the ‘’gardening state’’ should go, in its efforts to mold the population.Show less
This study sets out to examine whether civil society organisations (CSOs) have become more integrated into the Ukrainian public policy-making process since the Euromaidan in 2014 and whether the...Show moreThis study sets out to examine whether civil society organisations (CSOs) have become more integrated into the Ukrainian public policy-making process since the Euromaidan in 2014 and whether the Revolution has led to a meaningful shift towards a more inclusive style of governance. Through a focus on the anti-corruption policy field as a case study, the argument which will be advanced is that the 2014 Euromaidan did lead to a qualitative opening of the political system and the policy-making process in stark contrast to the authoritarian and exclusionist nature of the former Yanukovych regime. The post-2014 period has therefore seen considerable involvement of CSO representatives in public policy-making and a sustained formal commitment to dialogue on the part of many representatives of the authorities. More recently, however, a trend towards de facto marginalisation of CSO representatives and the closing of previously productive channels for cooperation suggest a moderate reversal of initial positive tendencies and raise questions about the extent to which the positive developments of 2014 and 2015 can be treated unambiguously as a sign of a large-scale and sustainable shift towards participatory governance.Show less
In 1992 a peace treaty was signed between South-Ossetia and Georgia. This seemed to be the end of the conflict that had engulfed Georgia for two years. Now, 26 years later and there still is not a...Show moreIn 1992 a peace treaty was signed between South-Ossetia and Georgia. This seemed to be the end of the conflict that had engulfed Georgia for two years. Now, 26 years later and there still is not a permanent solution for South-Ossetia. In this thesis the idea is put forth that the changing dynamic of the EU-Russian relationship has facilitated the creation and sustainability of this frozen conflict. In order to understand more of the reasons whereof an examination is given of the six elements of the EU-Russia relationship, a theoretical background concerning frozen conflicts will be given and an inspection of South-Ossetia has been done. Show less
Since independence, Kazakhstan has promoted different conceptions of national identity: an “ethnic” discourse that promotes the titular Kazakh nation, a “civic discourse” that revolves around inter...Show moreSince independence, Kazakhstan has promoted different conceptions of national identity: an “ethnic” discourse that promotes the titular Kazakh nation, a “civic discourse” that revolves around inter-ethnic harmony, and a “transnational” discourse that is focused on international prestige. For long, scholars have debated which of these discourses has been dominant, or whether these discourses have been promoted simultaneously. This thesis contributes to the growing body of work on Kazkakhstan’s nationhood process by looking at the competing nation-building narratives that are presented through two sport projects: the Astana Pro cycling team, and the promotion of Kazakh national wrestling. The analysis has made clear that the wrestling and the cycling projects are each used to promote different elements of Kazakhstan’s national identity; while the wrestling emphasizes the ethnic conception of Kazakh identity, the Astana Team is more focused on gaining international prestige. At the same, time, the narratives and symbolism used in the two projects are often ambiguous and sometimes even contradictory. Thus, this thesis has shown that competing nation-building narratives are promoted simultaneously and as such, it has highlighted the complex and hybrid nature of Kazakhstan’s nation-building process.Show less
This thesis provides an insight in the Belarusian foreign policy response to the self-proclaimed independence of Abkhazia. The conclusion of the research question: "how has Belarusian foreign...Show moreThis thesis provides an insight in the Belarusian foreign policy response to the self-proclaimed independence of Abkhazia. The conclusion of the research question: "how has Belarusian foreign policy responded to the case of Abkhazia’s self-proclaimed independence?" is that the response can be divided into three time periods of ignoring, partially recognizing and opposing Abkhazia. The main causes identified for the way Belarus responded can be found in the EU - Russia conflict rather than the Abkhazian case individually.Show less