In de jaren zeventig werd Nederland opgeschrikt door verschillende gijzelingsacties van Molukse jongeren. Na de treinkaping bij Wijster in 1975 was de gijzeling bij De Punt in 1977 de tweede...Show moreIn de jaren zeventig werd Nederland opgeschrikt door verschillende gijzelingsacties van Molukse jongeren. Na de treinkaping bij Wijster in 1975 was de gijzeling bij De Punt in 1977 de tweede treinkaping door Molukkers in korte tijd. De gijzeling bij De Punt werd na bijna drie weken beëindigd door mariniers, die in opdracht van de regering de trein binnenvielen. Daarbij kwamen zes Molukse treinkapers en twee gegijzelden om het leven. Bij de Molukse gemeenschap heerst er veel onvrede over het optreden van de mariniers in de trein. Zij hebben het gevoel dat de treinkapers zijn geëxecuteerd. Bijna veertig jaar later, in 2015, kwam de treinkaping weer nadrukkelijk in het nieuws. Molukse nabestaanden van twee van de treinkapers hebben de Nederlandse staat aangeklaagd voor het executeren van de kapers Max Papilaya en Hansina Uktolseja. In 2018 loopt de rechtszaak nog steeds en worden de mariniers gehoord als getuigen voor hun optreden in de trein. In deze thesis wordt behandeld hoe het komt dat er pas veertig jaar later een rechtszaak wordt aangespannen. Wat is er in deze periode gebeurd? En in hoeverre heeft die Molukse onvrede het beleid van de overheid over de beëindiging van de treinkaping beïnvloed?Show less
In this paper the author examines British foreign policy during the time of the Crimean crisis through the lens of international relations, focusing on the balance of power and concert of Europe...Show moreIn this paper the author examines British foreign policy during the time of the Crimean crisis through the lens of international relations, focusing on the balance of power and concert of Europe respectively. It does so by examining the foreign policy of the two succesive administrations during the crisis (Aberdeen's and Palmerston's) and how these fit into a framework of international relationships. Doing so, the author hopes to find that viewing these policies through a more 'technical lens' provides a new perspective on them.Show less
France is known for the continuous adaption of its Constitution and has lived through five successive Republics. The current Fifth Republic exists since its creation in 1958 by Charles de Gaulle....Show moreFrance is known for the continuous adaption of its Constitution and has lived through five successive Republics. The current Fifth Republic exists since its creation in 1958 by Charles de Gaulle. However, it has been severely criticized for amongst other things: the personalization and extensive powers of the President; the unclear division of the executive; and the limited powers and unrepresentativeness of the parliament. During the 2017 presidential elections in France, centrist Emmanuel Macron and far-leftist Jean-Luc Mélenchon both extensively used these structural deficiencies in their campaigns, and promised a democratic revolution through far-going constitutional and institutional reforms. This research aims to assess whether these criticisms undermined citizens’ support for the political system, and consequently affected the democratic legitimacy of the Fifth Republic. The theoretical framework of system support as established by Pippa Norris and David Easton provides the conceptual framework, and helps to distinguish between diffuse and specific system support and its differing implications for state legitimacy. A political discourse analysis is performed on six speeches of Macron and Mélenchon in order to identify how they framed their propositions. Moreover, the effects of these speeches is determined through an analysis of the media coverage, as to interpret the potential implications for state legitimacy.Show less
Since the 1960s, representative democracy in the “West” has undergone various changes, such as lower voter turnout rate, less party membership, and so on. Faced with these changes, some scholars...Show moreSince the 1960s, representative democracy in the “West” has undergone various changes, such as lower voter turnout rate, less party membership, and so on. Faced with these changes, some scholars maintain that representative democracy is failing; however, some other scholars disagree and consider it more as a transformation rather than a failure. The paper first presents some main points from both sides. Then, it argues that to comprehensively study the changes, scholars should distinguish two ways of representation, conventional one and unconventional ones. We can only be certain about the failure of representative democracy if both ways of representation are in decline. Based on this argument, the paper develops a very preliminary framework that uses quantitative approaches to study the two ways of representation. For conventional representation, voter turnout rate is a key indicator. If the turnout rate is dropping steadily, to a certain extent, conventional representation is declining. Meanwhile, it tests whether the level of ideological polarization has a significant impact on voter turnout rate. For unconventional representation, the rise of e-government deserves our attention. If e-participation is rising, to a certain extent, unconventional representation is rising. Based on the empirical evidence the paper has collected, it concludes that the future of representative democracy is still too soon to tell. Even though conventional representation is in decline, unconventional representation is developing. The changes are more likely to indicate a transformation.Show less
Dit onderzoek analyseert in welke mate de totstandkoming van Estlands onafhankelijkheid in 1991 van buitenaf is beïnvloed. Aangetoond wordt dat zowel vanuit de Verenigde Staten als vanuit West...Show moreDit onderzoek analyseert in welke mate de totstandkoming van Estlands onafhankelijkheid in 1991 van buitenaf is beïnvloed. Aangetoond wordt dat zowel vanuit de Verenigde Staten als vanuit West-Europa invloeden werden uitgeoefend die de onafhankelijkheid bespoedigden. Dit werpt een nieuw perspectief op de doorgaans nationalistische historiografie over Estlands onafhankelijkheidsbeweging.Show less
In hoeverre beïnvloede de Britse publieke de Britse politiek, aangaande hun positie tegenover Duitsland? Dit onderzoek bekijkt dit aan de hand van de berichtgeving van verschillende kranten.
Hoe kan het zo zijn dat de Conservative Party in de jaren ’60 en ’70 vrijwel onverdeeld pro-EEG was, maar dat euroscepsis vandaag de dag een prominent deel is van de partijideologie? Dit onderzoek...Show moreHoe kan het zo zijn dat de Conservative Party in de jaren ’60 en ’70 vrijwel onverdeeld pro-EEG was, maar dat euroscepsis vandaag de dag een prominent deel is van de partijideologie? Dit onderzoek richt zich op de rol die Margaret Thatcher in de ontwikkeling van euroscepsis binnen haar partij speelde. Aanvankelijk was Thatcher net zo pro-EEG als haar partijgenoten, zij het enkel uit neoliberale bewegingen. Zodra Thatcher in 1988 echter inzag dat de voorzitter van de Europese Commissie, Jacques Delors, inzette op niet alleen een gezamenlijke Europese markt, maar ook op zoveel mogelijk gezamenlijk Europees politiek beleid, kreeg ze in vrij korte tijd een grote afkeer van de EEG. Met haar plots ingezette ramkoers genereerde ze zowel eurosceptische aanhang als EEG-gezinde tegenstanders binnen haar partij. John Major volgde Thatcher in 1990 op als premier en erfde een partij die erg verdeeld was geraakt over Europa. Tijdens zijn premierschap was er onder eurosceptische Conservatives, die achter de schermen door Thatcher tegen Major werden opgezet, zeer grote weerstand tegen de EMU en het Verdrag van Maastricht. Zodra dit verdrag was geratificeerd, schoot de door Thatcher gegenereerde euroscepsis ook buiten de Conservative Party wortel, met name in de Referendum Party en UKIP.Show less
Willoughby Dickinson was a Liberal MP who played an active role in the campaign for women's suffrage. He tabled the first bill of the 1906 parliament in favour of it, which he reintroduced every...Show moreWilloughby Dickinson was a Liberal MP who played an active role in the campaign for women's suffrage. He tabled the first bill of the 1906 parliament in favour of it, which he reintroduced every year until 1914. He was a founding member of the Men's League for Women's Suffrage, and was the chair of the Liberal party's own pro-suffrage group. Dickinson worked closely with the NUWSS and this paper is an exposition of his contribution to the movement's ultimate success.Show less
This study examines Jacobitism in its role as platform of protest. The use of the medium of popular songs in Broadside Ballads to transfer political propaganda is presented through an Edinburgh...Show moreThis study examines Jacobitism in its role as platform of protest. The use of the medium of popular songs in Broadside Ballads to transfer political propaganda is presented through an Edinburgh case-study. A total of eight Broadside Ballads is featured. These were published in the years 1715, 1716, 1745 and 1746, when Jacobitism was a prominent discourse in eighteenth century politics. The Broadsides are subjected to a mostly textual analysis on propaganda techniques such as ad hominem and demonization of the enemy. Moreover, the construction of the general political message and the use of metaphorical symbolism therein is thoroughly examined.Show less
The Irish rebellion of 1798 is pivotal in Irish history. The ideas of the French Revolution contributed greatly to the development of Irish republicanism in the 1790s, when the United Irishmen...Show moreThe Irish rebellion of 1798 is pivotal in Irish history. The ideas of the French Revolution contributed greatly to the development of Irish republicanism in the 1790s, when the United Irishmen began their struggle for an independent, republican Ireland. But the French also contributed in practical manner, by providing military aid in the form of two expeditions to Ireland in 1796 and 1798. This thesis analyses why the French Directory, the executive power during this period, decided to support the Irish, and if it fits within the framework of sister republics. The findings of the thesis suggest that the rhetoric the Directory used to justify the first expedition combined Republican ideals, such as liberating the Irish people from oppression and establishing a republican system of government, with war-strategic arguments such as using Ireland as a weapon to defeat France’s great enemy, England. However, the plan to use a guerrilla-warfare strategy, a chouannerie, in Ireland, with the aim to cause chaos and civil war, shows that Republican ideals were ultimately not the priority for the promoters of the Irish expedition, Carnot and Hoche. Before the second expedition, the political circumstances were very disadvantageous to the Irish cause, and the only way the French would help Ireland again was when they were to rise on their own. When this ultimately happened, the idea of an Irish revolution was enough to justify another expedition, and the Directory reached back to the rhetoric of the 1796 expedition. Moreover, the establishment of the Republic of Connacht shows that there was an attempt to establish a republican system, and the republican rhetoric was thus not uttered in vain. A successful invasion of Ireland might thus have led to an Irish sister-republic; however, the prominence of French interests in the event of an Irish revolution, the focus on English defeat and the chouannerie strategy show that the promotion of Republican ideals was not priority for the Directory.Show less
This thesis looks into the left movement of Germany between 1970 - 1972 and its response to left radical violence and the counter actions of the police. By using five different newspapers from the...Show moreThis thesis looks into the left movement of Germany between 1970 - 1972 and its response to left radical violence and the counter actions of the police. By using five different newspapers from the German left, namely Vorwärts, Konkret, Rote presse korrespondenze, Rote Fahne, Roter Morgen and Agit 883, this thesis tries to show the different responses and developments within the German left movement. After a short history of the development of Germany and the German left protest movement, after World War II untill 1970, this thesis will first show how the discourse within the left movement was influenced by the radicalisation of parts of the left movement. After that it will show the influence of the actions by the government and police, to counter left radical violence, on the discourse within the German left movement.Show less
The Scottish National Liberation Army was, and still is, a very small violent Scottish nationalist movement with the aim of establishing an independent Scottish Republic. From their inception in...Show moreThe Scottish National Liberation Army was, and still is, a very small violent Scottish nationalist movement with the aim of establishing an independent Scottish Republic. From their inception in 1980 they knew how to make the headlines of the newspapers through an insistent campaign of letter bombs to important figures like Lady Diana, Margaret Thatcher and even the queen. They planned bomb hoaxes and were even responsible for some actual bombings. Somehow they were, however, never really (visibly) taken seriously by the media or the authorities. And that might just be one of the reasons why they did not become a large terrorist movement. The aim of this study is to contribute to wider terrorism research by looking at the factors that kept the SNLA from becoming a large terrorist movement. By figuring out what kept the SNLA from becoming the Scottish equivalent of, for example, the IRA we might be able to recreate these conditions and policies in our societies today and reduce the number of people joining such a movement resulting in the gradual decline of terrorist movements. Beatrice de Graaf’s theory on performative power proved to be of crucial importance to answer the research question of this paper: Why did the Scottish National Liberation Army not become a large terrorist movement during the years 1979-1997? By building on a firm theoretical framework of new and proven terrorism research and investigating newspaper articles and parliamentary debates from that period for anything relating to the SNLA this study has come to the conclusion that one of the major factors that contributed to the SNLA remaining a small and obscure movement was (1) the low performative power of the British Government. By publically ignoring the SNLA and letting the infiltration be done by local authorities and intelligence agencies thus not involving the public in the terrorism discourse, the British government minimised the performative power and thus the influence of the movement. Other factors were; (2) the way the media reported the actions of the SNLA, which was usually with disdain; (3) errors from within the SNLA itself, like failed attacks or other actions and; (4) there were other alternatives for the SNLA, movements like the trade union or political parties which were more successful at achieving the same goals as the SNLA but through legal means. On this basis it is recommended for future counterterrorism policies to keep the performative power of the government as low as possible and to keep an open dialogue with and invest in the alienated and marginalised groups of society. Providing them with other alternatives for terrorism.Show less
In this paper I focussed on king Henry VIII and his quest for royal supremacy. The research question is “to what extend was Henry VIII successful in mobilizing popular support for royal supremacy?”...Show moreIn this paper I focussed on king Henry VIII and his quest for royal supremacy. The research question is “to what extend was Henry VIII successful in mobilizing popular support for royal supremacy?” In order to answer this question one needs to understand the events that took place in Europe and England during that period. Furthermore the intellectual discourse concerning the “Kings Great Matter” was explained. Then I researched the primary source “A Glasse of the Truth” in order to learn how Henry used propaganda to influence his subjects regarding the annulment of his marriage with Catherine, the scope of the power of the pope and royal supremacy itself. In the last chapter I investigated how Henry used propaganda and law to influence his subjects.Show less
James VI van Schotland was al ruim dertig jaar koning van Schotland toen hij Elizabeth I van Engeland opvolgde in 1603. Na de vereniging van beide koninkrijken verhuisde James VI naar Londen....Show moreJames VI van Schotland was al ruim dertig jaar koning van Schotland toen hij Elizabeth I van Engeland opvolgde in 1603. Na de vereniging van beide koninkrijken verhuisde James VI naar Londen. Vanuit de Engelse hoofdstad maakte James beleid. Voor Schotland was dit een rigoureuze verandering. Onderdeel van de konings nieuwe beleid waren veranderingen binnen de Schotse kerk. De geestelijkheid in Schotland was verdeeld over de plannen van de koning. Uit primaire bronnen zoals brieven en verslagen van geestelijken blijkt dat James op veel verzet stuitte maar ook steun ontving. In dit werkstuk worden de reacties van de Schotse geestelijkheid op het religieuze beleid van James onderzocht.Show less
An examination of private diplomatic and political contacts between the United States and Great Britain during the escalation of the Falklands conflict, from the ascent of the Galtieri government...Show moreAn examination of private diplomatic and political contacts between the United States and Great Britain during the escalation of the Falklands conflict, from the ascent of the Galtieri government in December 1981 till the final defeat of Argentina in June 1982. Newly released primary sources, often secret in nature, are used to investigate the consequences for the Anglo-American relationship.Show less
