The thesis investigated if the Chinese Belt Road Initiative has brought changes in trade and investment to the economies of Saudi Arabia and Iran. Quantitative data was collected from a myriad of...Show moreThe thesis investigated if the Chinese Belt Road Initiative has brought changes in trade and investment to the economies of Saudi Arabia and Iran. Quantitative data was collected from a myriad of resources to compare the levels of trade and investment between 2010-2018. Overall, BRI has not brought changes to the economies as world affairs are a much stronger force that affect the countries and their ability to grow and develop.Show less
Due to their geographic proximity, the Gulf and the Horn of Africa share a long history of economic, political and cultural ties. Recent years, however, have seen an unprecedented increase in the...Show moreDue to their geographic proximity, the Gulf and the Horn of Africa share a long history of economic, political and cultural ties. Recent years, however, have seen an unprecedented increase in the presence of Gulf actors in the Horn, accelerated by the Gulf-internal rivalry between Qatar on one side and the remaining members of the Gulf Cooperation Council on the other. With the help of the theoretical framework of Regional Security Complexes and the Spillover Effect, as well as process tracing methods, two country case studies examine how Gulf engagement, in particular the rivalry between Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, further destabilizes an already fragile region: In Somalia, the tensions between core and periphery have been exacerbated as a result of Qatar backing the central government in Mogadishu and the UAE supporting the federal states. In Sudan, the complicated transition process is prolonged as a result of Gulf powers pursuing opposing agendas in the post-Bashir political environment.Show less
By using theory-testing process-tracing, this thesis aims to determine how potential Iranian soft power in Iraq has become realized soft power. Two separate areas which can be considered causes of...Show moreBy using theory-testing process-tracing, this thesis aims to determine how potential Iranian soft power in Iraq has become realized soft power. Two separate areas which can be considered causes of Iranian soft power in Iraq have been analysed: Iraqi medical tourism in Iran and Iranian investments in Iraqi infrastructure.Show less
This thesis looks at The People’s Republic of China’s Foreign Policy, Investment and Development into the Caribbean and will explore, based on research and information gathered, to what extent a...Show moreThis thesis looks at The People’s Republic of China’s Foreign Policy, Investment and Development into the Caribbean and will explore, based on research and information gathered, to what extent a mutually beneficial relationship between China and the Caribbean has or is being formed. While the thesis looks at China’s relationships within Caribbean countries as a whole, specific focus will be on countries such as Jamaica or Trinidad and Tobago.Show less
The concept of European Strategic Autonomy (ESA) was first introduced in the EU’s Global Strategy of 2016 and alludes to a stronger role of the EU in international politics, to consequently achieve...Show moreThe concept of European Strategic Autonomy (ESA) was first introduced in the EU’s Global Strategy of 2016 and alludes to a stronger role of the EU in international politics, to consequently achieve more autonomy in its foreign and security policy. For the European Union (EU), 5G is an integral determinant of strategic autonomy, having implications for security and economic policy (a foreign policy tool). The question that this research study has attempted to answer is to what extent has the German discourse on 5G (from 2018 until 2020) shaped the development of the EU’s strategic autonomy. The independent variables identified in the literature review (which explain the security and economic implications of 5G, that can shape the development of ESA), were explored through the German discourse. This discourse is particularly important since Germany is one of the leading countries in the EU and the EU’s foreign and security policy depends strongly on Germany’s decisions. Since ESA depends on the legitimacy of the EU member states and the approach to 5G remains a national decision, analysing the national discourse of a member state made more sense than looking at the EU’s discourse on 5G. The results of the discourse analysis show that the development of ESA has been slightly strengthened.Show less
On the 12th of February 2019 the European Council adopted the Gas Directive Amendment consisting of common rules for the European gas market. The Amendment added that the rules of the original Gas...Show moreOn the 12th of February 2019 the European Council adopted the Gas Directive Amendment consisting of common rules for the European gas market. The Amendment added that the rules of the original Gas Directive of 2009 were not merely applicable to the internal European gas market, but also applicable for pipelines going from, and to third countries (non-member states) making the Directive contain common rules for the external energy policy of member states. This is a big step for a more integrated Europe, because external energy policy has never been a topic where member states were willing to share interests about. This rather special area gives theories like Neofunctionalism a new challenge to explain the process of integration in the EU. Three concepts of Neofunctionalism (spillover, loyalty shift and politicization) are tested on the Gas Directive Amendment and explain the strengths and weaknesses of Neofunctionalism as integration theory.Show less
This thesis aims to address the following research question: How does the local context relate to the impact of humanitarian aid in terms of legitimacy and effectiveness? The main conclusion is...Show moreThis thesis aims to address the following research question: How does the local context relate to the impact of humanitarian aid in terms of legitimacy and effectiveness? The main conclusion is that local contexts can greatly influence how humanitarian aid is perceived by local populations.Show less
This thesis unpacks the Obama Administration foreign policy strategy towards Iran and the events that led to the Nuclear Deal with the Islamic Republic in 2015. The analysis is carried out through...Show moreThis thesis unpacks the Obama Administration foreign policy strategy towards Iran and the events that led to the Nuclear Deal with the Islamic Republic in 2015. The analysis is carried out through two different levels: the regional and the global one, ultimately arguing that the rise of China in the International Arena together with Obama's strategy towards the Middle East had a fundamental role in the creation of the Nuclear Deal with Iran.Show less
Saudi Arabia’s actions in Yemen have been largely neglected in the growing body of International Relations literature concerning regionalisation and power classification. Using an adaptation of...Show moreSaudi Arabia’s actions in Yemen have been largely neglected in the growing body of International Relations literature concerning regionalisation and power classification. Using an adaptation of Daniel Flemes’ conceptualisation of regional power, this thesis analyses Saudi leadership in the first four and a half years of the Yemen Civil War (March 2015 – August 2019). The case study was performed using an overarching causal-process tracing approach. Three variables that are fundamental for Saudi regional leadership in Yemen have been distinguished; claim to leadership, material methods of self-assertion and acceptance of leadership. As these variables are different in nature, they have been analysed using different methodologies. The findings of these analyses suggest that it is easy to ascribe a regional leading role to Saudi Arabia, as its claim to leadership and growing regional assertiveness are evident, but that real leadership over countries in the region is missing. Ultimately, this thesis illustrates that case study research is essential in the process of classifying a country as ‘regional power’.Show less
This thesis seeks to enrich the discussion about the impact of China’s rise on the role of the US as a global leader, however, it wishes to avoid the theoretical prediction or speculation often...Show moreThis thesis seeks to enrich the discussion about the impact of China’s rise on the role of the US as a global leader, however, it wishes to avoid the theoretical prediction or speculation often seen in this discussion. Instead of using prescriptive theories, the much- anticipated American response to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) will be researched from an inventive angle that possesses the ability to bridge the gap between theory and policy: think tanks. Publications by think tanks are distinctly suitable for a pragmatic analysis on the direction of US foreign policy. The policy research publications of three prominent American think tanks will be analyzed to make informed statements about the direction of long-term US foreign policy towards the BRI. These think tanks have been carefully selected to represent all sides of the spectrum that dominate simultaneously the political arena of the US and the think tank sector; conservative ideology, liberal ideology, and the neutral, independent, or moderate center. Besides researching the policy recommendations in general this thesis will also research two dimensions that could have a significant impact on the American response; theoretical lenses and ideological orientations. The policy proposals are researched with a qualitative content analysis to identify their theoretical foundation of the IR-paradigms of realism and liberalism. This thesis will broadly map the position of theory, ideology, and policy in the issue at stake: the American response to the BRI. Given exacerbating trends in the think tank sector, the different positions could ultimately pose threats to geopolitical stability.Show less
This thesis analyzes China’s mediation efforts in the Yemeni conflict, and in particular the rationales behind Beijing’s approach. The analysis addresses the following question: how do China’s...Show moreThis thesis analyzes China’s mediation efforts in the Yemeni conflict, and in particular the rationales behind Beijing’s approach. The analysis addresses the following question: how do China’s geoeconomic and geopolitical interests influence its approach to mediation efforts in Yemen? This question is tackled from two distinct but interrelated standpoints: from a geoeconomic perspective, the focus is on China’s interest in the shipping lines running through the Bab al-Mandeb strait; from a geopolitical perspective, the emphasis is on Beijing’s interest in balancing between Saudi Arabia an Iran when getting involved in the Yemeni conflict. The thesis relies on both qualitative and quantitative data, which is analyzed through the tool of process tracing. The analysis reveals that both geoeconomic and geopolitical interests have played a significant role in shaping China’s mediation efforts. Drawing on theoretical insights concerning the relation between geoeconomic and geopolitics, this thesis argues that geoeconomic interests should be considered as a major determinant of China’s mediation approach, due to the fact that geoeconomic interests are important determinants of geopolitical ones. An in-depth understanding of the rationales behind China’s mediation efforts in Yemen bears significance for broader debates on China’s increasing presence in the Middle East, especially in the times of the Belt and Road Initiative. The Asian Century is set to begin, and a thorough understanding of the rationales behind China’s policies would be a welcome development for academics and policymakers alike. Show less
The World Bank hails hydropower as the sustainable development tool to challenge the energy needs and alleviate poverty in countries. These large dams entail complex and multidimensional social...Show moreThe World Bank hails hydropower as the sustainable development tool to challenge the energy needs and alleviate poverty in countries. These large dams entail complex and multidimensional social impacts on local communities. This thesis assesses the social impacts on the resettled communities affected by the newest developmental project of the World Bank, the Nam Theun 2. Relocation leads to disappearance of traditional practices and the uptake of a modern market-based life style. Deploying the Matrix Framework find that this resettlement is not without its setbacks and impactful changes. Livelihood activities that are far removed from the traditional cultural practices fail to mature, while other activities closer connected to the previous lifestyle performed above expectations in providing villagers with a sustainable source of income. All with all, The World Bank failed to implement sustainable livelihoods for the resettled communities that suited their traditional cultural practices and livelihoods.Show less
Regime stability in Saudi Arabia is based on the assumption that the distribution of oil wealth among the citizens will lead to political quiescence in return. However, the decline in oil prices...Show moreRegime stability in Saudi Arabia is based on the assumption that the distribution of oil wealth among the citizens will lead to political quiescence in return. However, the decline in oil prices since 2014 has exposed the flaws in this assumption of national co-optation. Drawing on insights of Social Contract, Rentier State and Welfare State theory, this thesis will delve deeper into the sub-national factors that influence regime stability in Saudi Arabia. As such, a thorough analysis of the youth bulge and foreign workers in Saudi Arabia concludes that it is not sufficient to investigate the distribution of wealth on a national level to understand the mechanisms of regime stability. Sub-national analysis provides additional insights into the factors that are exacerbated due to the low oil price and establishes a narrative that argues for different mechanisms of regime stabilization. Contemporary developments, such as the implementation of the Vision 2030 policy by Crown Prince Mohammed Bin Salman, underline the relevance of expanding sub-national analysis.Show less
This thesis explores how the dynamics of Spanish-Moroccan relations are playing themselves out at the level of the subject in the Ceuta and Melilla border fences. These dynamics are studied through...Show moreThis thesis explores how the dynamics of Spanish-Moroccan relations are playing themselves out at the level of the subject in the Ceuta and Melilla border fences. These dynamics are studied through the irregular trade happening at the border and the women who engage in it, the porteadoras. To answer this question, I draw on the Foucauldian concepts of (international) biopolitics and docile bodies. These concepts facilitate an exploration of the border dynamics produced by its international biopolitics and the power-relations marked by gender and economic factors are influencing and shaping the lives of the Moroccan porteadoras. I argue that the biopolitics of the border work on those who from the inside have put into place a legislation system to economically benefit the enclaves and the bordering provinces. In these dynamics of power and economy, the bodies of the porteadoras become to an extent “docile” due to the mechanism of the biopolitical border alongside their condition as women and their lack of economic resources.Show less
This study focuses on China's changing responses to three major crises in the Middle East over the past three decades: 1991 Gulf war, 2003 Iraq war and the ongoing Syrian crisis. To study China's...Show moreThis study focuses on China's changing responses to three major crises in the Middle East over the past three decades: 1991 Gulf war, 2003 Iraq war and the ongoing Syrian crisis. To study China's changing responses to three crises, is to study the change and continuity in China's contemporary engagement in the Middle East, which could shed some new light on the international academic debates over the discrepancy in China’s evolving strategies toward the Middle East, moreover, offer a better understanding of how China perceives itself in relation to the Middle East.Show less
The literature on state-led tourism development in the Emirate of Dubai and the Republic of Singapore is scarce. Moreover, it is not clear how state capitalist systems of government transformed...Show moreThe literature on state-led tourism development in the Emirate of Dubai and the Republic of Singapore is scarce. Moreover, it is not clear how state capitalist systems of government transformed both city-states into successful tourism destinations. Research has shown that physical infrastructure provision and destination brand marketing play an important role in the success of both polities. However, most of the available works tend to have a superficial nature and are dated. This study endeavors to offer a more profound and detailed analysis of the government policy factors that explain a successful tourism cluster outcome in both cases with new data collected by the author. An answer to this question is relevant to policy-makers in states with similar political-economy configurations that seek to develop a tourism industry. Building on existing works on tourism cluster development in state-led economies, this research asks: “What primary government policy factors explain the establishment of a successful tourism sector in the state-led economies of Dubai and Singapore in the period between 1990 and 2018?” This research employs the qualitative method of theory-building process-tracing and approaches tourism cluster development with the ‘developmental state theory’ taken from the discipline of international political economy. Analysis of the primary and secondary data shows that tourism, in both Dubai and Singapore, is a pillar in an overarching state-led economic development strategy that operates in synergy with the commerce, events, real estate, tourism, and transport clusters. Moreover, both Dubai and Singapore combine control over government institutions and state-owned holding companies, complemented by transnational companies, to control tourism-relevant enterprises and to develop the tourism cluster. Coordination between public and private sector entities enables efficient canalization of resources complying with long-term developmental tourism visions. Under those circumstances, both governments conducted two synergic primary policies: first, constructing state-of-the-art tourism infrastructure, and second, orchestrating a sophisticated brand marketing campaign. The research found these policies explain the success of tourism in Dubai and Singapore.Show less
This thesis seeks to explore what the results of the 2011 Libya intervention have been for the Responsibility to Protect principle (R2P). In order to achieve this thesis conducts a Critical...Show moreThis thesis seeks to explore what the results of the 2011 Libya intervention have been for the Responsibility to Protect principle (R2P). In order to achieve this thesis conducts a Critical Discourse Analysis into Russia and China. The choice of Russia and China is to remedy the overreliance on Western thinking on R2P present in the existing literature. This thesis argues that the Libya intervention has resulted in increased difficulties for the R2P, though deepening existing scepticism as well as providing more evidence as to the damaging results of military interventions.Show less
