The main objective of this thesis is to examine whether the European Union experienced an upwards trend of securitization of asylum-seekers and migrants at their external borders. This will be...Show moreThe main objective of this thesis is to examine whether the European Union experienced an upwards trend of securitization of asylum-seekers and migrants at their external borders. This will be established by a case study applied on the securitization practices of Frontex. To investigate how Frontex is developed as a securitising actor in the EU asylum and migration issue, the activities of Frontex will be examined and labelled as securitization (or desecuritization) by comparing two time periods, namely the activities of Frontex during 2009 against 2018. In addition, Frontex's evolution in their level of autonomy (power) will be investigated to be able to determine their degree of impact on the securitization of the EU against EU asylum-seekers and migrants. This can also be used to determine their liability concerning the criticism of NGOs on the activities of Frontex in context of humanitarianism.Show less
This thesis project focus on the 2015 Syrian refugee crisis and its impact on Germany politics. This paper will explore in what way Syrian refugee has impacted the Germany politics. The main...Show moreThis thesis project focus on the 2015 Syrian refugee crisis and its impact on Germany politics. This paper will explore in what way Syrian refugee has impacted the Germany politics. The main argument in this project is (How has the Syrian refugees' crisis in Germany contribute to the rise of the right-wing populist party?). The findings and analysis of the above mention issue will be drawn from existing primary and secondary data using peer-reviewed literature on the subject. The data will be used from different journal and articles based on the political issues in Germany, statistics data from the European Union and Germans government institutions, as well as from different national and international body predominantly working on that issue of refugees within Germany. In the end, this thesis project also unveil the rise of right-wing populist parties in Germany Alternative for Germany(AfD) from the aftermath of 2015 refuge crisis. This project will also try to analyze how Germany position itself within the negotiation in the EU concerning the migration.Show less
Abstract: The current Common European Asylum Policy, and more specifically the Dublin III Regulation, are notably hindering the integration prospects of asylum seekers and refugees. As a...Show moreAbstract: The current Common European Asylum Policy, and more specifically the Dublin III Regulation, are notably hindering the integration prospects of asylum seekers and refugees. As a consequence of the complete lack of scrutiny of the integration component, this article demonstrates in which way and to what extent this assumption is true. This research includes the construction of a framework of indicators, in order to quantify the concept of integration, and it proposes a more efficient approach to the inevitably necessary reform of the Dublin Regulation. At the centre of this proposal, are the personal characteristics, as well as some of the preferences of the applicants.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to establish a better understanding of the inner workings of frozen conflicts, by addressing the question of how the conflicts in Moldova and Georgia in the early 90’s...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to establish a better understanding of the inner workings of frozen conflicts, by addressing the question of how the conflicts in Moldova and Georgia in the early 90’s became frozen. The current comprehension of frozen conflicts, both in academia and policy-making circles is rather elusive, as the conflicts are often seen through a mono-theoretical lens, overlooking the potential interaction between different factors on different levels. The three main theoretical perspectives on frozen conflicts; the geopolitical, ethno-nationalist and political-economic perspective, are assessed, after which an explanatory variable is derived from each one. Subsequently, the cases of Moldova and Georgia are analyzed alongside these variables, to determine to what extent each mechanism plays a role in the development of frozen conflicts. A qualitative comparative analysis is carried out to assess the interrelation between variables, across the three different phases of a frozen conflict. The results of this research show that the frozen conflicts in Moldova and Georgia are neither solely ethnic nor geopolitical in nature. Ethnic tensions interplayed with geopolitical motives, which are substantiated by criminal economic incentives. Therefore, the multi-layered nature of frozen conflicts cannot fully be understood through a monotheoretical lens.Show less
This thesis aims at analysing the EU’s anti-smuggling mission in Mediterranean Sea namely ‘Sophia Operation’ under the scope of international human rights law. At the centre of this inquiry is the...Show moreThis thesis aims at analysing the EU’s anti-smuggling mission in Mediterranean Sea namely ‘Sophia Operation’ under the scope of international human rights law. At the centre of this inquiry is the new mandate of Sophia that trains the Libyan Coast Guards (LCG) and provides them military assets, and financial aids and support. The question is to understand how the EU is outsourcing the ‘dirty job’ so as to avoid its responsibility towards international human rights law, and more specifically the princple of non-refoulement.Show less
This thesis identifies the methods that have been successful in managing ethnopolitical conflicts by focusing on two cases in the European periphery. Conflict management and mediation literature...Show moreThis thesis identifies the methods that have been successful in managing ethnopolitical conflicts by focusing on two cases in the European periphery. Conflict management and mediation literature consists of extensive work on both Cyprus and Northern Ireland. Yet, the role of external actors and kin-states in peacemaking in both cases are understudied. By showing the importance of a superpower third party intervention, this thesis provides theoretical and policy insights on conflict management. Contrary to the general argument on the importance of impartiality of mediation, this study argues that powerful states, due to their coercive capacity and power, have an increased chance of success in peace negotiations. Furthermore, regardless of impartiality, it is found that the more proximity (cultural, political, and economic ties) the third party has with the parties involved, the more likely it is to have the leverage necessary to achieve a concession.Show less
The foreign policy of Turkey, as summarized on the Website of the Republic of Turkey’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), states that “Turkey is on the right side of history….Her most important...Show moreThe foreign policy of Turkey, as summarized on the Website of the Republic of Turkey’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), states that “Turkey is on the right side of history….Her most important advantages come from her central geography…” (MFA, 2018b, p. 1). The centrality of Turkey, as rhetorically presented in this Turkish foreign policy summary, is expressed with reference to two geographies in particular: The Middle East and Europe. In terms of Europe, the Turkish foreign policy document includes the following statements: Turkey is pursuing membership of the European Union, underlining that her membership would benefit both the EU and Turkey. Turkey is actively contributing to the efforts to address many challenges that also effect Europe…Turkey is part and parcel of Europe and almost all European institutions. (MFA, 2018b, p. 1) In terms of the Middle East, the Turkish foreign policy summary notes Turkey’s position as part of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) as well as various ties, bilateral and collective, to countries in the Middle East. The emergence of strategic centrality as a pillar of Turkish foreign policy appears to date from the 2000 publication of Ahmet Davutoğlu’s Strategic Depth: Turkey’s International Position (Murinson, 2006). In this book, Davutoğlu, then a professor and subsequently to become both the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Prime Minister of Turkey, articulated what has since come to be called Neo-Ottomanism (Kraidy & Al-Ghazzi, 2013; Türkeş, 2016). The Ottoman Empire, which was formally replaced by the Republic of Turkey in 1923, possessed the “central geography” cited by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the “strategic depth” of Davutoğlu’s book. Despite the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the resulting Turkish state replicated some of the geographic and strategic dynamics of its predecessor, with its borders placed directly between the Middle East in the east and south, Russia in the north, and Greece and the Balkans in the west. The characteristics and direction of Turkish foreign policy can be examined not only by analysis of larger themes (such as Neo-Ottomanism) and documents (such as Strategic Depth), but also through a document analysis of official announcements made by the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Such documents exist dating back to January, 2002, and, of the writing of this proposal, are current until January, 2018. These documents are of interest for a number of reasons. More importantly, the documents contain distinct eras in Turkish foreign policy. The documents made available on the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ Website overlap with the Prime Ministerial rule of five people: Bülent Ecevit, Abdullah Gül, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Ahmet Davetoğlu, and Binali Yıldırım. Of these Prime Ministers, the latter four were connected with the Ak Party, but at different eras. Of the Ak Party-affiliated Prime Ministers of Turkey, Binali Yıldırım has the reputation of somewhat being Erdoğan’s personal assistant, whereas both Gül and Davetoğlu have reputations of being somewhat independent from Erdoğan (Cagatay, 2017). In addition, during the 16-year period covered by the Turkish documents, Turkey has had eight Foreign Ministers. Thus, an analysis of the official announcements made by the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs can reveal changes in the orientation of Turkish policy over time. The objective of this empirical study is to provide such an analysis.Show less
This thesis looks if Britain's decision to leave the EU will lead to more European defence and military cooperation between the remaining EU member states.
Migration in the Central Mediterranean is not a new development, but in the period between 2011 and 2016, the number of migrant arrivals in Italy has significantly increased. The central question...Show moreMigration in the Central Mediterranean is not a new development, but in the period between 2011 and 2016, the number of migrant arrivals in Italy has significantly increased. The central question in this thesis is: What are the pull factors of migration? Why do migrants increasingly choose to migrate towards the EU? The basis is the theory of Ravenstein of push and pull factors to explain migration. In this thesis, I identified several developments in the Central Mediterranean during this period and analysed the different variables. These variables are: governmental missions in the Mediterranean, the movement of NGOs involved in search and rescue operations and the EU-Turkey agreement. After a method of process tracing and interviews, the conclusion was that pull factors are less important in the process of decision-making of migrants than is mostly considered. Most migrants are more influenced by push factors.The invasion towards the European Union is a myth and their rescue missions in the Mediterranean do not influence migrants or attract huge numbers of them.Show less
The role of a country like Greece which can guarantee these values is vital and should be underlined in this paper. Research will based on whether Greece has the institutional and foreign policy...Show moreThe role of a country like Greece which can guarantee these values is vital and should be underlined in this paper. Research will based on whether Greece has the institutional and foreign policy capacity and determination to further promote security and development standards within the area. Greece’s foreign policy making in the past has been often associated with the security agenda of the Balkans and this is also the key in examining the future as Greek administrations have been quite stable on their intentions regarding this region. The country’s geographic position on the edge of the Balkans underlines the significantly negative implications that instability may have on Greek security and internal unity. Therefore, officials in the Greek political ranks have been very cautious on on-going developments in the Balkans and thus they have been attempting to establish a further model of cooperation and détente within the Balkan regional context. In this sense, the majority of Greek administrations over the decades have perceived the Balkans as a chess board where Athens’ role is the one of the ‘Queen’Show less
The European Union’s approach towards the OPT on human rights has often been criticised for its conflicting interests, its internal division and coordination. However, simply renouncing the EU’s...Show moreThe European Union’s approach towards the OPT on human rights has often been criticised for its conflicting interests, its internal division and coordination. However, simply renouncing the EU’s effort in human rights promotion in the name of realism, neo-liberalism or Eurocentric imperialism does not offer clarifications why the EU is committed to universal human rights norms and as to why the EU proved to be very weak in projecting its human rights agenda. This thesis suggests a normative power approach to the study of EU human rights policy towards the Occupied Palestinian Territories. Vital to it is the assumption that EU human rights policy and the relation between the EU and Israel has been and should be normative. To analyse this assumption, this thesis draws upon the existing literature in regard to ‘Normative Power Europe’ and adopt Ian Manners tripartite analytical framework in order to assess the EU’s adherence to human rights norms and its external identity, illustrate how the EU diffuses human rights norms, and how the impact of this should be evaluated in the case of the Occupied Palestinian Territories. In doing so, this thesis aims to add to the empirical abundance of NPE literature and applying normative power to the human rights dimensions of EU-Israeli relations. To address these goals, the research shows the inconsistencies between the EU’s rhetoric and the diffusion of norms in Israel’s policy. This thesis will argue that the EU has normative intentions but that this is not a precondition for firm action and the diffusion of human rights norms in Israel. The protection of human rights as core norm of the EU is easily sacrificed when it has to compete with (vital) self-interests such as a collective European identity, security interests and strategic interests. The extent to which the EU pursues a human rights agenda is nevertheless very limited to the detriment of the EU’s normative identity.Show less
