This Thesis tests Meyer’s and Strickmann’s (2011) International Relations (IR) theoretical framework on the material-ideational nexus in European defence against a case with extraordinary evidence...Show moreThis Thesis tests Meyer’s and Strickmann’s (2011) International Relations (IR) theoretical framework on the material-ideational nexus in European defence against a case with extraordinary evidence of material change: the European defence sector after the Cold War (1989–1999). The aim is to investigate how the interplay of material and ideational factors shaped European armament cooperation in this period. Furthermore, the author seeks to derive policy recommendations for the ongoing European Union (EU) defence integration process, also said to be driven by material change. The Thesis finds that the stark post-Cold War material challenges did lead to an ideational shift towards closer European armament cooperation. This shift, however, was not as pronounced as it could have been, considering the magnitude of material change and scope for collaboration. Additionally, material pressures exacerbated existing tensions between different actors and interests in the defence domain. For the current EU defence integration process, this implies that the cohesive effects of material change should not be taken for granted. Instead, a more unitary and comprehensive institutional structure is needed, which still accommodates the different capacities and preferences of member states regarding European armament cooperation.Show less
This thesis identifies the methods that have been successful in managing ethnopolitical conflicts by focusing on two cases in the European periphery. Conflict management and mediation literature...Show moreThis thesis identifies the methods that have been successful in managing ethnopolitical conflicts by focusing on two cases in the European periphery. Conflict management and mediation literature consists of extensive work on both Cyprus and Northern Ireland. Yet, the role of external actors and kin-states in peacemaking in both cases are understudied. By showing the importance of a superpower third party intervention, this thesis provides theoretical and policy insights on conflict management. Contrary to the general argument on the importance of impartiality of mediation, this study argues that powerful states, due to their coercive capacity and power, have an increased chance of success in peace negotiations. Furthermore, regardless of impartiality, it is found that the more proximity (cultural, political, and economic ties) the third party has with the parties involved, the more likely it is to have the leverage necessary to achieve a concession.Show less
The foreign policy of Turkey, as summarized on the Website of the Republic of Turkey’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), states that “Turkey is on the right side of history….Her most important...Show moreThe foreign policy of Turkey, as summarized on the Website of the Republic of Turkey’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA), states that “Turkey is on the right side of history….Her most important advantages come from her central geography…” (MFA, 2018b, p. 1). The centrality of Turkey, as rhetorically presented in this Turkish foreign policy summary, is expressed with reference to two geographies in particular: The Middle East and Europe. In terms of Europe, the Turkish foreign policy document includes the following statements: Turkey is pursuing membership of the European Union, underlining that her membership would benefit both the EU and Turkey. Turkey is actively contributing to the efforts to address many challenges that also effect Europe…Turkey is part and parcel of Europe and almost all European institutions. (MFA, 2018b, p. 1) In terms of the Middle East, the Turkish foreign policy summary notes Turkey’s position as part of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) as well as various ties, bilateral and collective, to countries in the Middle East. The emergence of strategic centrality as a pillar of Turkish foreign policy appears to date from the 2000 publication of Ahmet Davutoğlu’s Strategic Depth: Turkey’s International Position (Murinson, 2006). In this book, Davutoğlu, then a professor and subsequently to become both the Minister of Foreign Affairs and Prime Minister of Turkey, articulated what has since come to be called Neo-Ottomanism (Kraidy & Al-Ghazzi, 2013; Türkeş, 2016). The Ottoman Empire, which was formally replaced by the Republic of Turkey in 1923, possessed the “central geography” cited by the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the “strategic depth” of Davutoğlu’s book. Despite the collapse of the Ottoman Empire, the resulting Turkish state replicated some of the geographic and strategic dynamics of its predecessor, with its borders placed directly between the Middle East in the east and south, Russia in the north, and Greece and the Balkans in the west. The characteristics and direction of Turkish foreign policy can be examined not only by analysis of larger themes (such as Neo-Ottomanism) and documents (such as Strategic Depth), but also through a document analysis of official announcements made by the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Such documents exist dating back to January, 2002, and, of the writing of this proposal, are current until January, 2018. These documents are of interest for a number of reasons. More importantly, the documents contain distinct eras in Turkish foreign policy. The documents made available on the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ Website overlap with the Prime Ministerial rule of five people: Bülent Ecevit, Abdullah Gül, Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, Ahmet Davetoğlu, and Binali Yıldırım. Of these Prime Ministers, the latter four were connected with the Ak Party, but at different eras. Of the Ak Party-affiliated Prime Ministers of Turkey, Binali Yıldırım has the reputation of somewhat being Erdoğan’s personal assistant, whereas both Gül and Davetoğlu have reputations of being somewhat independent from Erdoğan (Cagatay, 2017). In addition, during the 16-year period covered by the Turkish documents, Turkey has had eight Foreign Ministers. Thus, an analysis of the official announcements made by the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs can reveal changes in the orientation of Turkish policy over time. The objective of this empirical study is to provide such an analysis.Show less
This thesis assesses whether the EU is as a market power shaping third countries' legislation and policies as asserted by "Market Power Europe", a theoretical framework, which has been...Show moreThis thesis assesses whether the EU is as a market power shaping third countries' legislation and policies as asserted by "Market Power Europe", a theoretical framework, which has been insufficiently explored in the literature so far. More concretely it is scrutinised if electricity market liberalisation and emissions trading acquis has been externalised to Switzerland and Ukraine. First, it is shown that there is market power potential in the field of energy, as the European regulatory order was increasingly strengthened since the mid-1990s and gave birth to two significant markets for electricity and carbon emissions trade. Second, it is demonstrated that even though acquis externalization occurred to a certain extent in both cases, four intervening variables filtered the EU's market power. Indeed, market interconnectedness, political culture, the nature of the political system and the level of institutionalization of the EU's relations with a third country need to be taken into account when assessing the EU's market power in a given third country. These findings are not only theoretically relevant, they also suggest that the EU should concentrate on the development of its Single Market and regulatory order as well as on solid institutional framework conditions to cement its power towards third countries and enlarge its global influence.Show less
This thesis examines the foundations for success in peacekeeping operations. To this end, the absence or presence of two preconditions, commitment, and credibility, which are essential for the...Show moreThis thesis examines the foundations for success in peacekeeping operations. To this end, the absence or presence of two preconditions, commitment, and credibility, which are essential for the fulfillment of the assigned mandate are explored on a cross-case- study comparison between UNMISS and MONUSCO. Indicator questions yield information on the extent to which each operation encompasses the investigated preconditions. The findings of the analysis indicate that UNMISS has low commitment and low credibility, and MONUSCO has high commitment and rather high credibility. Based on the absence of the preconditions in UNMISS, this thesis argues that the operation lacks a strong foundation for the effective fulfillment of its mandate, and thus has negative prospects for success, while MONSUCO, due to the presence of credibility and commitment has rather positive prospects for a successful implementation of its mandate.Show less
The conventional wisdom holds that ‘once a terrorist always a terrorist’. This paper will examine, on the contrary, how very different groups and individuals have abandoned political violence. The...Show moreThe conventional wisdom holds that ‘once a terrorist always a terrorist’. This paper will examine, on the contrary, how very different groups and individuals have abandoned political violence. The paper will provide a review of the literature on terrorism, particularly since 9/11 and on disengagement more specifically. Subsequently the paper will assess disengagement in Italy and South-East Asia in two ways: by looking both at the factors leading to disengagement reported by the former ‘terrorists’ and at the policies implemented by different states to foster disengagement. The author aims to show that, contrary to much of the literature on ‘new terrorism’, though violent groups, and target states differ vastly similar conclusions can be drawn on why disengagement occurs and how it can be fostered. Finally concluding remarks will be made along with policy recommendations in particular on the issue of disengaging and reintegrating returning foreign fighters.Show less
This thesis looks if Britain's decision to leave the EU will lead to more European defence and military cooperation between the remaining EU member states.
Due to the increasing security issues recently developed in and outside the EU a common transnational answer to these issues is needed. In June 2016 an answer was provided in the form of the...Show moreDue to the increasing security issues recently developed in and outside the EU a common transnational answer to these issues is needed. In June 2016 an answer was provided in the form of the European Global Strategy but is this the real answer for European collaboration in security? Is any real common EU strategy even possible without a common strategic culture that provides the context wherein policy choices are made? This thesis topic has relevance within the scientific debate around the possibility of an EU that serves as a security provider, particularly in the current era characterized by (home grown) terrorism, destabilized neighbouring regions and rising populism. This thesis researches the evaluation (if any) of a European strategic culture by the analysis of the main strategic EU documents, namely the European Security Strategy (ESS), the European Global Strategy (EUGS) and its related key policy documents. These documents lay out the plans for EU security and defence collaboration but do they incite the formation of a strategic culture? The presented strategic documents are researched and compared using document analysis on the basis of Biava, Herd and Drent’s provided Strategic Culture analytical framework. This document analysis will help to place the conducted expert interviews (n=9) that sketch the drafting process of the ESS and EUGS in perspective. These interviews are conducted with in particular Dutch experts in the field divided through two main branches: Policy Making (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Defence, EU) and Think Thank.Show less
Migration in the Central Mediterranean is not a new development, but in the period between 2011 and 2016, the number of migrant arrivals in Italy has significantly increased. The central question...Show moreMigration in the Central Mediterranean is not a new development, but in the period between 2011 and 2016, the number of migrant arrivals in Italy has significantly increased. The central question in this thesis is: What are the pull factors of migration? Why do migrants increasingly choose to migrate towards the EU? The basis is the theory of Ravenstein of push and pull factors to explain migration. In this thesis, I identified several developments in the Central Mediterranean during this period and analysed the different variables. These variables are: governmental missions in the Mediterranean, the movement of NGOs involved in search and rescue operations and the EU-Turkey agreement. After a method of process tracing and interviews, the conclusion was that pull factors are less important in the process of decision-making of migrants than is mostly considered. Most migrants are more influenced by push factors.The invasion towards the European Union is a myth and their rescue missions in the Mediterranean do not influence migrants or attract huge numbers of them.Show less
This thesis seeks to interrogate the response of the European Union to the events known as the Arab uprisings, with a particular focus on the political transitions experienced by Egypt and Tunisia...Show moreThis thesis seeks to interrogate the response of the European Union to the events known as the Arab uprisings, with a particular focus on the political transitions experienced by Egypt and Tunisia since early 2011. It conducts a thorough textual analysis of major European Neighbourhood Policy documents and ‘speech acts’ related to Egypt and Tunisia, using Norman Fairclough’s three- dimensional Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). In each instance of ENP discourse, this study sees a text, a discursive practice and a social practice. It identifies the particular discursive configurations of democracy promotion in these text samples, noting a significant change in tone since the launch of the ENP in 2003. More specifically, it points to the new neighbourhood agenda developed by the EU since the wave of protests in the Middle-East and North Africa, characterised by greater ownership of ENP policies by EU partners, considerable differentiation in their objectives and a heightened concern for the stabilisation of the region. Rooted in a critical, constructivist approach to discourse analysis, it eventually contends that the seemingly less voluntarist narrative developed in South Neighbourhood policy documents is the result of higher threat perception in the Union. A threat narrative is indeed highlighted, as a particular instance of a crisis rhetoric, resulting in a notable downscaling of EU normative ambitions in the region. Investigation of the Egyptian and Tunisian cases since 2011 provides important information regarding these developments in the ENP. This thesis eventually points to civil society assistance as a narrative of inclusiveness which could prove to be a significant addition to ENP democracy promotion agenda, while recognising the limits of this endeavour.Show less
A comparative study comparing regional and minority language policies in Spain, Italy and the European Union. Particular focus on language policies in Italian and Spanish regions, regarding French,...Show moreA comparative study comparing regional and minority language policies in Spain, Italy and the European Union. Particular focus on language policies in Italian and Spanish regions, regarding French, German, Galician, Catalan and Basque. Topics include historical Spanish and Italian language policies, European language policies and frameworks.Show less
Recently, the positions of France, Great Britain and Germany towards the Middle East Peace Process have started to show convergence. However, it is unclear what has caused this. This multiple...Show moreRecently, the positions of France, Great Britain and Germany towards the Middle East Peace Process have started to show convergence. However, it is unclear what has caused this. This multiple qualitative case study assesses whether this convergence is the result of the gradual adoption of common European positions and ideas, also known as Europeanization, or that it has been caused by domestic and geopolitical factors. The findings of this study suggest that limited Europeanization has occurred but that the level and kind of Europeanization differs among the three states. Whereas Great Britain and Germany have been influenced by Europeanization, France has successfully managed to influence Europe’s position towards the Middle East Peace Process. This study concludes that the difference in Europeanization has predominantly been caused by each of the states’ unique strategic and historic backgrounds.Show less
The phrase "War on Terror" has become one of the most used by politicians in the last two decades and international terrorism nowadays classifies as one of the top security priorities in the...Show moreThe phrase "War on Terror" has become one of the most used by politicians in the last two decades and international terrorism nowadays classifies as one of the top security priorities in the political agendas. With the growth of the phenomenon of the “home-grown” terrorists, the pressure is on the rise for countries worldwide to find and adopt measures suitable for preventing rather than mitigating and treating post-terrorist attacks' conditions and situations. Next to repression early prevention could prove to be an extremely valuable tool maybe not for the immediate future but for the generations to come to live terror-free. For this reason, violent extremism and violent extreme radicalization need to be approached and tackled at their roots before reaching the point of searching for potential homegrown terrorists or even later post-attack attempting to find the culprits and their groups or networks or even later trying through programmes to de-radicalize and reinstate them in the society. According to many scientists and academics, education plays a key role in the shaping of young minds and this is a preventive sector that the EU should be investing in even more. It could be argued that legal constrictions to the matter are applicable, which has been a significant impediment. However, the Member States should be discussing for education reforms to be applied as such, since this not anymore purely a matter of education and of national interest of each Member State, but relates directly to EU-wide security situations. The EU until very recently has not had specific steps or points within its policies at union level as far as education is concerned to prevent violent extremist radicalisation of young individuals. The situation has changed in the last 5 years, but measures still lack specificity, guidance and instruction in application. Member states themselves have adopted different approaches - related to counterterrorism and not necessarily focusing on education since such EU reforms were non-binding - either pre or post-incidents of terrorism depending on the degree to which each has suffered from cases and attacks of violent radicalisation. Many discussions and decisions have been made to adopt a common EU level approach on education against terrorism, or at least to follow the same direction and to move towards a common goal. However, all of these until now - other more and other less - have been non-specific and/or non-binding, meaning they also have not been implemented evenly around the EU or - if not at all. This dissertation is an effort to more specific and targeted steps in education in an effort to prevent violent radicalisation and the creation of more homegrown terrorists.Show less
The European Union (EU) has actively sought to reinforce existing processes of political, economic and social integration beyond its borders, to other regional groups around the world. In...Show moreThe European Union (EU) has actively sought to reinforce existing processes of political, economic and social integration beyond its borders, to other regional groups around the world. In particular, the EU has pursued Latin America to establish institutionalized region-to-region partnerships, through which they have actively promoted the integration of their sub-regional counterparts. The receptivity of Latin American regional projects to the EUs support has resulted in the emulation of European institutional design and processes of integration. Nevertheless, although they emulate European structures, none have been able to replicate the transfer of political authority that endows Europe with its distinctive supra-nationality. The following paper seeks to address these results and answer the question of why, given the EU support towards regional integration, supra-nationality is not present in the South American (Mercosur) or Central American (SICA) regional projects.Show less
After years of integration in other sectors, the member states decided to include foreign and defence policy to EU cooperation. Therefore, it is now, after a few decades, a good moment to look...Show moreAfter years of integration in other sectors, the member states decided to include foreign and defence policy to EU cooperation. Therefore, it is now, after a few decades, a good moment to look critically at what has been achieved in this sector of EU defence cooperation. With this reason, this thesis will approach the question, why do the member states want defence integration to happen in smaller groups? This question can be split in multiple sub-questions. Firstly, could reaction of the member states be out of discontent of how cooperation is functioning on a EU-level? Secondly, does the EU allow the member states to continue in smaller groups, instead of moving forward as a Union? These question will be approached by using a variety of documents. For example, not only the EU perspective but also the national interests of member states and the vision of experts on defence integration should be taken into consideration as well as useful sources for this thesis. Furthermore by looking at theories of defence integration in the EU, such as, Institutionalism, constructivism and realist theory, this thesis will try to find the motives for defence integration. Using the patterns of the theory will make it easier to analyse and compare the cases that will be included in this thesis. The three selected cases are from a different scale. From cooperation on a Union-level to bilateral cooperation and integration. As a result, this thesis has to add additional information and perspectives on the integration of defence within the EU.Show less
