Master thesis | European Politics and Society: Vaclav Havel Joint Master Programme
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The necessity of a transition to a more sustainable food system is widely recognised, but the path that should be taken to achieve this is strongly contested. In 2020 the European Commission...Show moreThe necessity of a transition to a more sustainable food system is widely recognised, but the path that should be taken to achieve this is strongly contested. In 2020 the European Commission published the Farm to Fork Strategy, a policy framework which has the aim of facilitating the transition to a more sustainable food system in the European Union. Since its publication, it has however faced mounting opposition and consequently there are growing concerns that the original promise of the Strategy will be watered down. In light of the need to build and maintain support for the Farm to Fork Strategy throughout the EU, a deeper understanding of the media discourse on this issue can provide important insights for policymakers and campaigners. There is, however, little research on the media discourse on sustainability, and even less on sustainable food systems. Using Austria and Czechia as case studies, this thesis investigates the media discourse on sustainable food systems in the European Union. My findings demonstrate that while there are many similarities in the reporting, there are also important differences in the content of the media coverage between the two countries. Furthermore, I find that frames which emphasise the role of the market in addressing sustainability issues are dominant in the coverage across both countries. Other key frames identified include the role of regulation in transitioning to sustainable food systems, as well as the potential of technological solutions. Furthermore, a new frame is identified that emphasises how the negative impacts of imported food such as food insecurity and carbon emissions can be avoided through prioritisation of nationally produced food.Show less
Language has the capacity to make politics, create narratives and impact policy making (Hajer, 2006). In the study of foreign policy, discourses define the issues at stake, create a sense of shared...Show moreLanguage has the capacity to make politics, create narratives and impact policy making (Hajer, 2006). In the study of foreign policy, discourses define the issues at stake, create a sense of shared ‘common knowledge’ and legitimize foreign policies as necessary and plausible (Hansen, 2013, 2016). When the Ukrainian crisis breaks out in 2014, Europe is confronted with one of the most complex situations for decades. The sense of urgency increases for one member state in particular when flight MH17 is shot down above Ukraine. Losing almost 200 citizens in the crash, the Netherlands suddenly becomes a central actor in this conflict. The literature, however, pays little attention to the domestic political debates regarding Ukraine. Moreover, the role of parliaments and oppositional political parties in foreign policy is under-accounted for. Therefore, this thesis analyses whether and how discourses are reflected in the Dutch foreign policy debate since the Ukrainian crisis and what role the parliament and political parties play in Dutch foreign policy. A discourse analysis is conducted to see what discourses are reflected in the parliamentary debates. This studies shows that identity-policy constructions – articulated through discourses – are crucial for defining and legitimizing Dutch foreign policies. Furthermore, it finds that the Government’s official foreign policy discourse is influenced and constrained by oppositional discourses that stress the normative and geopolitical aspects of Dutch foreign policy. Hence, this study provides new insight into the role of discourse in the wider political debate in the Netherlands. Though this thesis establishes that the parliament and political parties matter in this specific case, more research is needed on the role of parliaments and political parties to make generalizable conclusions for foreign policy more broadly.Show less
The heightened tensions between Russia and the West, of which the ongoing crisis in and around Ukraine is a good illustration, pose a security threat to the Euro-Atlantic region. This thesis aims...Show moreThe heightened tensions between Russia and the West, of which the ongoing crisis in and around Ukraine is a good illustration, pose a security threat to the Euro-Atlantic region. This thesis aims to contribute to the understanding of Russian foreign policy within the OSCE as well as Russia’s stance towards Euro-Atlantic security issues. It addresses the question how Russia discursively constructs its national identity within the OSCE in the period 2008-2018 and whether these discourses reveal any changes and/or contradictions. This thesis fills an important research gap, because no previous research has been done on Russia’s national identity within the OSCE. A comprehensive understanding of a state’s national identity in its foreign policy is relevant, as it provides insights into the ideological factors that drive how a state defines and pursues its national interests and subsequently foreign policy. A poststructuralist discourse analysis is conducted of the Russian statements delivered at the yearly OSCE Ministerial Council Meetings in the period 2008-2018. The discourse analysis provided insights into how Russia perceives and would like to promote itself within the OSCE. It demonstrated that Russia presents itself within the OSCE as a redeemer of OSCE unilateral actions and an advocate of multilateralism, as a leading, responsible and moral actor that wants to be perceived and treated as a great power, and lastly as a guardian of traditional values and the Russian Orthodox Church.Show less
The nearly three decades long Macedonian Name Dispute was the biggest obstacle for North Macedonia on its path towards not only Euro-Atlantic integration, but world recognition as well. This thesis...Show moreThe nearly three decades long Macedonian Name Dispute was the biggest obstacle for North Macedonia on its path towards not only Euro-Atlantic integration, but world recognition as well. This thesis analyzes the role which two seemingly unrelated to the name dispute events, had in precipitating the resolution of Skopje’s bitter feud with Athens. By establishing the historical context behind the name dispute, in addition to providing a detailed analysis of the 2017 Bulgarian-Macedonian Friendship Treaty and the 2018 Bulgarian Presidency of the Council of the EU, this study uncovers one of the many factors that led to the signing of the 2018 Prespa Agreement, which marked the official conclusion of the 27 years long Macedonian Name Dispute.Show less
In the 2016 EU Global Strategy, High Representative/Vice-President Mogherini called for a “stronger Europe” in response to the continuous string of crises and challenges the EU faced in the past...Show moreIn the 2016 EU Global Strategy, High Representative/Vice-President Mogherini called for a “stronger Europe” in response to the continuous string of crises and challenges the EU faced in the past decade. Since the institutionalization of Common Foreign and Security Policy, and Common Security and Defence Policy and with the gradual emergence of the EU as a foreign policy actor, scholars have tried to craft appropriate concepts, frameworks and approaches which would allow them to define and study the EU’s characteristics, role and ability in the realm of external action. Strategic culture is one of these concepts which tries to answer core questions about what influences and drives strategic behaviour in foreign policy, like a “compass” which can help an actor navigate and pursue its strategic priorities. In an effort to contribute to the under-researched body of literature on this concept, this paper studies the development of EU strategic culture by comparing the 2003 European Security Strategy with the 2016 Global Strategy. These documents codify strategic culture by providing written accounts of the EU’s shared values, interests and the means it defines as appropriate to pursue these interests. The findings confirm that an EU strategic culture has developed between 2003 and 2016, notably by defining a set of shared values and interests for the first time, through its ability to identify and update its threat assessments based on recent changes in its environment, as well as thanks to a range of concrete tool-building proposals guided by these norms and interests, notably in the field of military capabilities.Show less
On April 7, 2018, a rebel-held town in Eastern Ghouta, near Damascus, was attacked. The Douma attack is just one example of the many violent outbursts in the Syrian conflict. The civil war that...Show moreOn April 7, 2018, a rebel-held town in Eastern Ghouta, near Damascus, was attacked. The Douma attack is just one example of the many violent outbursts in the Syrian conflict. The civil war that started in 2011 slowly unfolded into a larger regional and international conflict. The complexity of alliances in the Syrian conflict might be a reason of the long-lasting hostilities that still continue today. This thesis investigated the role of two main actors in the Syrian conflict: the United States and Russia. This study aimed to answer the following research question: how are the US-Russian relations in the UNSC on the Syrian conflict from March 2011-June 2018? In a heightened atmosphere in international relations, it is important to find out if more room for cooperation between the two countries exists within the UNSC framework. A document analysis of the UNSC meeting records, presidential statements and (draft) resolutions from 2011-2018 has been conducted. The contribution of this study lies in the systematic analysis of the UNSC minutes on the Syrian conflict which enables the author to draw conclusions over the entirety of the war. By looking at three main categories – the use of chemical weapons, humanitarian assistance, and the political peace process – this thesis found out that the US and Russia seem to agree on a broader level, but that filling in the details proves to be problematic.Show less
This thesis analyses the portrayal of women in Russian fairy tales written in the late imperial age by examining three different tales, published by Alexander Afanasyev. Also, the thesis aims to...Show moreThis thesis analyses the portrayal of women in Russian fairy tales written in the late imperial age by examining three different tales, published by Alexander Afanasyev. Also, the thesis aims to clarify the relevance of examining Russian literature in the nineteenth century, fairy tales, and the application of gender studies to this literature. The publication by Afanasyev in 1855 includes the first written versions of the tales Maria Morevna, Vasilisa the Beautiful and The Feather of Finist the Bright Falcon. This examination analyses the content of the fairy tales, the action and behaviour of the female figures. The research is supported by the gender congruency theory, which proposes gender influences behaviour. The purpose of this analysis is to illuminate the relevance of fairy tales and gender study within Russian literature.Show less
Strategic culture is often presented as largely resistant to change. Most literature on strategic culture agrees that external shocks, such as a war or a revolution, can change an actor’s strategic...Show moreStrategic culture is often presented as largely resistant to change. Most literature on strategic culture agrees that external shocks, such as a war or a revolution, can change an actor’s strategic culture. In the literature on al Qaeda’s strategic culture a rift exists between those who argue it is mainly rigid and those who argue it adapts to other kinds of change, such as systemic or internal change. The thesis researches whether al Qaeda’s strategic culture stays rigid or adapts when faced with systemic or internal change.Show less
Today, there is broad consensus that the European Commission of the European Union needs transparency in order to function as a representative democracy. The transparency development within the...Show moreToday, there is broad consensus that the European Commission of the European Union needs transparency in order to function as a representative democracy. The transparency development within the Commission shows an interesting pattern, especially after Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker came into office in 2014. The current transparency debate revolves around the question to what extent the Commission has overcome opacity under the leadership of President Juncker halfway through its mandate. Advocates of transparency argue in favor of a relative increase of Commission transparency by democratic standards compared to other public institutions. A more critical account detects a more ‘captured transparency’, highlighting the loopholes and obstacles for the Commission to overcome in order to become an effective representative democracy. This work provides a detailed and multi-disciplinary examination of the questions how transparency has progressed within the Commission. An examination of the transparency developments will be made of the Commission’s Directorate General for Financial Stability, Financial Services and Capital Markets (DG FISMA), because this department has the highest number of meetings with interest representatives and stakeholders on policy-making. The analysis that follows will establish a comprehensive framework of the relationship between the implementation of transparency measures in the Directorate General and its interpretation. Therefore, this work provides for an institutional analysis of policy change. The paper concludes that the current Commission transparency policies in place have several flaws and that it leaves room for improvement to strengthen democratic legitimacy. However, the study also shows that when change is brought about in a broad and practical form it can - on the long-term - fulfil the democratic transparency promise of President Juncker. The recommendations resulting from this research may serve as a basis for the future development of transparency measures in the area of European studies.Show less
After the end of the Cold War, US – Russia relations have been fluctuating. In recent years, they have been deteriorating, partly because of the annexation of Crimea by Russia in March 2014. The...Show moreAfter the end of the Cold War, US – Russia relations have been fluctuating. In recent years, they have been deteriorating, partly because of the annexation of Crimea by Russia in March 2014. The portrayal in the media of the other has become increasingly negative in both states, and public opinion polls show that an increasing number of Americans and Russians saw each other as “unfavourable” in the months after the annexation. The purpose of this thesis is to examine how the annexation was framed in both American and Russian news. It employs a deductive framing analysis, using five pre-defined, issue-specific frames, that were derived from the literature. The dataset consists of two articles each out of two Russian and two American newspapers. The thesis concludes that American and Russian news have framed the annexation differently: American news framed the annexation as an aggressive Russian act, whereas Russian news framed it as a result of the Crimean people freely expressing their will to reunite with Russia. As media has an influence on public opinion, the results of this research partly explain the decline of respective favourability in public opinion.Show less
The success of the Russian anti-corruption blogger Alexei Navalny in bringing to light the corruption of high-level government officials has reinvigorated the debate about the effectiveness of...Show moreThe success of the Russian anti-corruption blogger Alexei Navalny in bringing to light the corruption of high-level government officials has reinvigorated the debate about the effectiveness of social media, and in particular blogging, to stimulate socio-political activism. This thesis looks beyond Russia’s most famous blogger to see who else is using the capabilities of (video)blogging to highlight and support the fight against corruption in the country. In particular, it analyzes blogposts by Ilya Varlamov and Erik Davidych and measures their direct effects in terms of the fight against corruption. By doing so, this research contributes to the debate of the usefulness of social media in the stimulation of socio-political activism, and reveals the possible short-term effects that blogging can have as a tool to battle corruption. The thesis concludes that despite media repression and the large scale of corruption in Russia, the short-term effects of anti-corruption blogging can be positive, while the long-term consequences are unclear.Show less
Since the conflict in Syria started in 2011, an estimated 400,000 Syrians have lost their lives. The international community has failed to prevent crimes against humanity in the Syrian context and...Show moreSince the conflict in Syria started in 2011, an estimated 400,000 Syrians have lost their lives. The international community has failed to prevent crimes against humanity in the Syrian context and has been highly criticised for its inaction and incapacity. In this thesis, the source of this inaction will be investigated. Syria has manifested a divided United Nations Security Council (UNSC), unable to unilaterally act under the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) banner. Those in favour of R2P increasingly face opposition from non-western powers. Russia has persistently opposed R2P action and advocates for a new form of R2P, the Responsibility While Protecting (RWP). The application of R2P in Libya can be identified as the reason for this shifting discourse of R2P. This thesis will argue the application of R2P in Libya led to a negative discursive shift of R2P, especially in relation to the military aspect of R2P. The focus will be on the Russian role in this shifting discourse since Russia holds a veto power in the UNSC, making it a key player in international politics. The Russian influence will be investigated through analysing two Russian UNSC speeches relating to R2P: one speech in the Libyan context, the other in the Syrian context. The speeches have been selected after thoroughly analysing all UNSC speeches dedicated to R2P. The two speeches have been chosen to analyse for they best reflect the shifting Russian discourse on R2P. A critical discourse analysis of these two key speeches demonstrate Russia’s position in the debate is indicative of a shift in the overall discourse on R2P, from relatively accepting to critical, moving into the direction of RWP. It is thus concluded that the R2P concept, in its current form, is in decline.Show less
The EU may be facing a perfect storm as a result of recent crises, mounting Euroscepticism and rising nationalist sentiments, with the latter also playing a role in recent events in Catalonia and...Show moreThe EU may be facing a perfect storm as a result of recent crises, mounting Euroscepticism and rising nationalist sentiments, with the latter also playing a role in recent events in Catalonia and Scotland as well as in the Brexit referendum. This new political context provides an excellent opportunity to reassess the stance of the EU with regard to secessionist conflicts. This thesis uses this opportunity to build on the work of Bourne (2014) by analysing whether the political discourses of regionalist parties and EU representatives, on secession within the EU framework, changed between 2014 and 2017 – in the case of Catalonia, Scotland and Northern Ireland. The analysis shows that the only discourses that changed significantly over time were those of Sinn Féin in the Northern Irish case and of EU representatives with regard to Scotland. Besides change over time, it found change between cases; the discourse of EU representatives in the Northern Irish case represents a departure from the Prodi/Barroso Doctrine that was prominent in the Catalan and Scottish case. The findings also suggest that the EU’s unwillingness to be involved in secessionist conflicts as well as the dismissal of post-secession EU membership has not necessarily discouraged regionalist parties from using the EU to underline the civic nature of minority nationalism; the parties under analysis continued to seek legitimacy for their cause at the European level through strong normative language, while professing adherence to the EU (values) and the democratic will of the people. Finally, the thesis shows that the EU may have started to adopt a more active stance in secessionist debates – undeniably so in the case of Northern Ireland.Show less
Abstract: This research offers an analysis of democracy promotion through the bottom-up approach in Egypt. It argues that a liberalized civil society would demand for democratic change. This...Show moreAbstract: This research offers an analysis of democracy promotion through the bottom-up approach in Egypt. It argues that a liberalized civil society would demand for democratic change. This research questions the extent of EU norms diffusion in order to liberalize civil societies. Consequently, it suggests linking normative goals, means, and impact to different diffusion strategies. It is found that the EU is in the starting phase of promoting democracy towards the Egyptian civil society. In order to expand the bottom-up approach, it should invest in its visibility and accessibility.Show less
This thesis compares the EU’s discourse on its energy relations with Russia prior to the Ukraine crisis and after it. The discourse analysis is embedded in a Constructivist framework and focuses on...Show moreThis thesis compares the EU’s discourse on its energy relations with Russia prior to the Ukraine crisis and after it. The discourse analysis is embedded in a Constructivist framework and focuses on the question whether continuities and discontinuities in the discourse indicate a successful or deficient construction of EU-Russian energy relations by the EU. This analysis shows that even though there are discontinuities between the two periods, these do not indicate a major failure in developing a suitable energy strategy. This evaluation is based on the result that the discontinuities found only represent shifts in the emphases on different elements of the discourse. The early discourse therefore already included most of the strategic elements that became necessary to deal properly with Russia and to ensure the EU’s energy security once the Crisis broke out.Show less
In the context of the Euromaidan and subsequent unrests leading to a war in the eastern Ukrainian region of Donbass, this thesis examines the speeches of the country´s president, Petro Poroshenko...Show moreIn the context of the Euromaidan and subsequent unrests leading to a war in the eastern Ukrainian region of Donbass, this thesis examines the speeches of the country´s president, Petro Poroshenko in the first 6 months of his presidency, the second half of 2014. This paper attempts to provide the answer to the following issues, employing critical discourse analysis as the methodology: it examines which form of nationalism, ethnic or civic, is more prevalent in the speeches. Moreover, it identifies the main themes and evaluates Poroshenko´s nation building mission while providing a chapter on the history of these contested forms of nationalism in Ukraine to offer a wider background of the examined issues. This study concluded that the prevalent form of nationalism is civic nationalism and identified anti-Russian rhetoric, the European path and using the war in Donbass as a means of uniting the people as the main topics. However, Poroshenko´s nation-building is defensive rather than proactive. It is largely based on anti-Russian narrative and the current war, but does not offer a viable and sustainable vision of nation-building in a long run, indicating that president Poroshenko is, like his predecessors, unable to resolve the internal division of Ukraine and create a strong national identity which would likely allow Ukraine to improve its economic and political situation.Show less
