Language has the capacity to make politics, create narratives and impact policy making (Hajer, 2006). In the study of foreign policy, discourses define the issues at stake, create a sense of shared...Show moreLanguage has the capacity to make politics, create narratives and impact policy making (Hajer, 2006). In the study of foreign policy, discourses define the issues at stake, create a sense of shared ‘common knowledge’ and legitimize foreign policies as necessary and plausible (Hansen, 2013, 2016). When the Ukrainian crisis breaks out in 2014, Europe is confronted with one of the most complex situations for decades. The sense of urgency increases for one member state in particular when flight MH17 is shot down above Ukraine. Losing almost 200 citizens in the crash, the Netherlands suddenly becomes a central actor in this conflict. The literature, however, pays little attention to the domestic political debates regarding Ukraine. Moreover, the role of parliaments and oppositional political parties in foreign policy is under-accounted for. Therefore, this thesis analyses whether and how discourses are reflected in the Dutch foreign policy debate since the Ukrainian crisis and what role the parliament and political parties play in Dutch foreign policy. A discourse analysis is conducted to see what discourses are reflected in the parliamentary debates. This studies shows that identity-policy constructions – articulated through discourses – are crucial for defining and legitimizing Dutch foreign policies. Furthermore, it finds that the Government’s official foreign policy discourse is influenced and constrained by oppositional discourses that stress the normative and geopolitical aspects of Dutch foreign policy. Hence, this study provides new insight into the role of discourse in the wider political debate in the Netherlands. Though this thesis establishes that the parliament and political parties matter in this specific case, more research is needed on the role of parliaments and political parties to make generalizable conclusions for foreign policy more broadly.Show less
The heightened tensions between Russia and the West, of which the ongoing crisis in and around Ukraine is a good illustration, pose a security threat to the Euro-Atlantic region. This thesis aims...Show moreThe heightened tensions between Russia and the West, of which the ongoing crisis in and around Ukraine is a good illustration, pose a security threat to the Euro-Atlantic region. This thesis aims to contribute to the understanding of Russian foreign policy within the OSCE as well as Russia’s stance towards Euro-Atlantic security issues. It addresses the question how Russia discursively constructs its national identity within the OSCE in the period 2008-2018 and whether these discourses reveal any changes and/or contradictions. This thesis fills an important research gap, because no previous research has been done on Russia’s national identity within the OSCE. A comprehensive understanding of a state’s national identity in its foreign policy is relevant, as it provides insights into the ideological factors that drive how a state defines and pursues its national interests and subsequently foreign policy. A poststructuralist discourse analysis is conducted of the Russian statements delivered at the yearly OSCE Ministerial Council Meetings in the period 2008-2018. The discourse analysis provided insights into how Russia perceives and would like to promote itself within the OSCE. It demonstrated that Russia presents itself within the OSCE as a redeemer of OSCE unilateral actions and an advocate of multilateralism, as a leading, responsible and moral actor that wants to be perceived and treated as a great power, and lastly as a guardian of traditional values and the Russian Orthodox Church.Show less
The nearly three decades long Macedonian Name Dispute was the biggest obstacle for North Macedonia on its path towards not only Euro-Atlantic integration, but world recognition as well. This thesis...Show moreThe nearly three decades long Macedonian Name Dispute was the biggest obstacle for North Macedonia on its path towards not only Euro-Atlantic integration, but world recognition as well. This thesis analyzes the role which two seemingly unrelated to the name dispute events, had in precipitating the resolution of Skopje’s bitter feud with Athens. By establishing the historical context behind the name dispute, in addition to providing a detailed analysis of the 2017 Bulgarian-Macedonian Friendship Treaty and the 2018 Bulgarian Presidency of the Council of the EU, this study uncovers one of the many factors that led to the signing of the 2018 Prespa Agreement, which marked the official conclusion of the 27 years long Macedonian Name Dispute.Show less
In the 2016 EU Global Strategy, High Representative/Vice-President Mogherini called for a “stronger Europe” in response to the continuous string of crises and challenges the EU faced in the past...Show moreIn the 2016 EU Global Strategy, High Representative/Vice-President Mogherini called for a “stronger Europe” in response to the continuous string of crises and challenges the EU faced in the past decade. Since the institutionalization of Common Foreign and Security Policy, and Common Security and Defence Policy and with the gradual emergence of the EU as a foreign policy actor, scholars have tried to craft appropriate concepts, frameworks and approaches which would allow them to define and study the EU’s characteristics, role and ability in the realm of external action. Strategic culture is one of these concepts which tries to answer core questions about what influences and drives strategic behaviour in foreign policy, like a “compass” which can help an actor navigate and pursue its strategic priorities. In an effort to contribute to the under-researched body of literature on this concept, this paper studies the development of EU strategic culture by comparing the 2003 European Security Strategy with the 2016 Global Strategy. These documents codify strategic culture by providing written accounts of the EU’s shared values, interests and the means it defines as appropriate to pursue these interests. The findings confirm that an EU strategic culture has developed between 2003 and 2016, notably by defining a set of shared values and interests for the first time, through its ability to identify and update its threat assessments based on recent changes in its environment, as well as thanks to a range of concrete tool-building proposals guided by these norms and interests, notably in the field of military capabilities.Show less
On April 7, 2018, a rebel-held town in Eastern Ghouta, near Damascus, was attacked. The Douma attack is just one example of the many violent outbursts in the Syrian conflict. The civil war that...Show moreOn April 7, 2018, a rebel-held town in Eastern Ghouta, near Damascus, was attacked. The Douma attack is just one example of the many violent outbursts in the Syrian conflict. The civil war that started in 2011 slowly unfolded into a larger regional and international conflict. The complexity of alliances in the Syrian conflict might be a reason of the long-lasting hostilities that still continue today. This thesis investigated the role of two main actors in the Syrian conflict: the United States and Russia. This study aimed to answer the following research question: how are the US-Russian relations in the UNSC on the Syrian conflict from March 2011-June 2018? In a heightened atmosphere in international relations, it is important to find out if more room for cooperation between the two countries exists within the UNSC framework. A document analysis of the UNSC meeting records, presidential statements and (draft) resolutions from 2011-2018 has been conducted. The contribution of this study lies in the systematic analysis of the UNSC minutes on the Syrian conflict which enables the author to draw conclusions over the entirety of the war. By looking at three main categories – the use of chemical weapons, humanitarian assistance, and the political peace process – this thesis found out that the US and Russia seem to agree on a broader level, but that filling in the details proves to be problematic.Show less
