This essay builds on recent work on securitization theory by scholars such as Balzacq and Floyd, and explores the still underdeveloped field of resistance and counter-securitization. A successful...Show moreThis essay builds on recent work on securitization theory by scholars such as Balzacq and Floyd, and explores the still underdeveloped field of resistance and counter-securitization. A successful securitization allows for a securitizing actor to deal with an existential threat with extraordinary measures outside the boundaries of normal politics. Resistance refers to the creation of a separate securitization move with its own existential threat and extraordinary measure in relation to the original securitization move. Counter-securitization is defined as an act to halt a securitization move, or to bring the issue back to the realm of ordinary politics. This essay further develops the concept of counter-securitization in comparison to resistance. It also strengthens Floyd’s argument on a just securitization theory by examining the role of pacifism, democracy and constitutionalism using the Japanese security debate as a case study. Finally, it illustrates how norms such as democracy and rule of law have slowly become more significant within the Japanese security debate than the pacifist ideology. It first examines the case of Prime Minister Abe’s ideology on Japanese security policy before taking a look at the political opposition in regards to Abe’s security policies. The section argues that even though the political opposition has all fought against Abe’s policies, there is a clear divide between an Old Left and a New Left. This essay then examines two grass-roots movements, the Article 9 Association and a student activist organization by the name of SEALDs. It shows how the political Old Left and the Article 9 Association have created their own securitization move to protect the pacifist constitution, while the political New Left and SEALDs have generated a counteract to bring the topic of security back to the realm of ordinary politics.Show less
This thesis will examine Abe’s push to constitutional reinterpretation and how the political left reacted to his argument by focusing on the following question: did the Japanese left-wing political...Show moreThis thesis will examine Abe’s push to constitutional reinterpretation and how the political left reacted to his argument by focusing on the following question: did the Japanese left-wing political actors reconsider their view on Article 9 and Japan’s current defense attitude? If the extreme political left of Japan has altered their stance on Abe and his push for reinterpretation, it means that the whole debate on Japanese defense policy is changing altogether. Therefore, Shinzō Abe might have had an impact on how Article 9 and Japan’s defense posture are perceived by the political left-wing. This will be analyzed through the model of securitization, as defined by the Copenhagen School of Security Studies. By applying this framework, this thesis will show how Abe attempts to securitize the issue of Japan’s national identity through addressing Japan’s defense capabilities and how the left-wing responds by counter-securitizing the issue of pacifism within national identity. The second goal of the thesis is to present the validity of the Copenhagen School’s framework by showing its applicability to the case of Japan’s constitutional reinterpretation. First, we shall analyze the literature on both Shinzō Abe’s reinterpretation attempt and the securitization model. Secondly, we will examine the nature of Abe’s push to constitutional reinterpretation by analyzing a book he wrote before he became prime minister and a book he wrote while he was prime minister. In this way, we can establish whether his stance has changed on reinterpreting the constitution. Then we will explore if and how Abe’s attempt for reinterpretation has reshaped the views of the political left in Japan. The effect of Abe’s push to reinterpret the constitution on popular opinion will be exposed by analyzing the phenomenon of counter-securitization by Japanese left-wing activists. We will look at in what manner the attempt has affected the left-wing in their rhetoric by examining scholarly articles on the subject. If this is the case, we might conclude that the Japanese extreme left is currently in the middle of a shift towards middle left.Show less
Joseph Nye's concept of soft power and it's universalist framework have been used in the past to analyse goverment strategies. This thesis compares Chinese and Japanese soft power strategies and to...Show moreJoseph Nye's concept of soft power and it's universalist framework have been used in the past to analyse goverment strategies. This thesis compares Chinese and Japanese soft power strategies and to what extent they follow Nye's soft power framework.Show less
China has been changing its soft power strategy in Africa since the time of negative media coverage in the early and mid 2000s. A stronger focus is being put on a people-to-people approach of...Show moreChina has been changing its soft power strategy in Africa since the time of negative media coverage in the early and mid 2000s. A stronger focus is being put on a people-to-people approach of interaction, trying to foster stronger personal bonds between Africans and Chinese citizens as well institutions. Education, culture and health care have the strongest positive impact on average African citizens, and China is increasing its efforts in these fields through cooperation agreements.Show less
This thesis argues that the use of the civic-ethnic dichotomy in describing nationalism is flawed. It does so by examining written works and speeches by Shinzo Abe, the current Prime Minister of...Show moreThis thesis argues that the use of the civic-ethnic dichotomy in describing nationalism is flawed. It does so by examining written works and speeches by Shinzo Abe, the current Prime Minister of Japan.Show less
The issue of whaling by the Japanese government is controversial and has been a long standing international problem for Japan. While there are other whaling countries, organizations like Greenpeace...Show moreThe issue of whaling by the Japanese government is controversial and has been a long standing international problem for Japan. While there are other whaling countries, organizations like Greenpeace mostly criticize Japan, arguing that their scientific whaling is simply masking another agenda. Despite all the international pressure, Japan insists on continuing their whaling practices. This thesis looks at this problem from a political psychology approach, using the theory of the content and relationship aspect to figure out why Japan acts as it does.Show less
The Chinese government has been influencing the Chinese society through the media for many decades. To research whether the role of women in society is still being influenced through media by the...Show moreThe Chinese government has been influencing the Chinese society through the media for many decades. To research whether the role of women in society is still being influenced through media by the government, various online media are studied. Well-known Chinese women portrayed in these media are linked to one of the four categories created by Hung and Li. However, an apparent difference between the images of women in formal and informal media was not found to illustrate whether the government manages the society via this instrument. This does not necessarily mean that the Chinese government does not desire to influence its society on this topic.Show less
In 2014, the United Nations recommended to the Japanese government that it should promulgate laws against hate speech. This advice was ignored by the Japanese government, claiming such laws would...Show moreIn 2014, the United Nations recommended to the Japanese government that it should promulgate laws against hate speech. This advice was ignored by the Japanese government, claiming such laws would interfere with the right of freedom of speech. With the racism against Zainichi Koreans (citizens in Japan of Korean ancestry) as a case study, using the New Haven School of Jurisprudence as framework, this thesis posits that “freedom of speech” is not the Japanese government’s (only) reason for refusing to promulgate laws against hate speech. By researching Diet discussions, newspaper articles, court cases and personal accounts of prominent politicians such as Prime Minister Abe Shinzo, this essay comes to the conclusion that the actual reasons differ from the official one given. The general conclusions of this thesis are that the Japanese government is reluctant to promulgate laws against hate speech because it is concerned about its independence from the United Nations, and because there is a disregard for minority issues in general.Show less
This thesis examines Prime Minister Abe’s domestic and international speeches concerning the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands dispute between Japan and China by utilizing framing theory. It was examined how...Show moreThis thesis examines Prime Minister Abe’s domestic and international speeches concerning the Senkaku/Diaoyu Islands dispute between Japan and China by utilizing framing theory. It was examined how the actions of China in the conflicts were attributed with meaning through framed by PM Abe as representing a threat to Japan in order to securitize the Japanese pacifist identity as not sufficient for the defense of Japan today. Framing analysis yields a notion that the Japanese pacifist Self is challenged from within by utilizing a variety of frames related to Japan’s domestic constructions towards China and the U.S. In addition, the Japanese democratic nature and other norms are also participant in the frames identified here.Show less
This thesis posits that the construction of a Japanese identity in government produced popular culture is inconsistent. The contradictory values within a constructed ‘Self’ portray Japan as a ...Show moreThis thesis posits that the construction of a Japanese identity in government produced popular culture is inconsistent. The contradictory values within a constructed ‘Self’ portray Japan as a ‘superior victim’ with regard to the abductions of Japanese citizens by North Korea. By utilizing a value-action framework it can be determined that the values portrayed in the narratives of the analysed popular culture have indeed been affected by the lines of action in the production process, and can therefore be concluded to be, in this study, the dominant values in North Korea policymaking. These values can be found throughout the narratives analysed in this thesis. By positioning these values in a model of culture in action, it becomes clear that the perceived ‘Japanese identity’ is in a transitional phase.Show less
The aim of this thesis is to evaluate how much progress Japan has made in dismantling its most costly non-tariff measures (NTMs). Two specific industries are evaluated: the pharmaceutical and the...Show moreThe aim of this thesis is to evaluate how much progress Japan has made in dismantling its most costly non-tariff measures (NTMs). Two specific industries are evaluated: the pharmaceutical and the medical devices industry.Show less
Since 2006, when the popular Junichiro Koizumi resigned from his role, Japan has had six prime ministers, one of which has served on two separate occasions. Koizumi’s successor,Shinzo Abe, had to...Show moreSince 2006, when the popular Junichiro Koizumi resigned from his role, Japan has had six prime ministers, one of which has served on two separate occasions. Koizumi’s successor,Shinzo Abe, had to resign after a year due to low popularity and health issues. However, in 2012, Abe returned. Based on his history, one would not expect Abe to be able to come back,let alone be capable of leading his country towards economic recovery and political stability. Nevertheless, Abe has been able to maintain his position for about a year and a half, while sustaining fairly stable public support. Is the current Abe different from the previous one? Has he become a transformational leader? Will Abe be able to finish his term, just as Koizumi did? This article applies a comparative analysis on Koizumi's and Abe's terms as prime minister of Japan. Based on the theory of transformational and transactional leadership, this essay attempts to answer these questions. This article uses a keyword analysis to examine their populist style. In the end, it is concluded that Abe has become a transformational leader with a populist style, but that he still lacks Koizumi's charisma.Show less
This thesis focuses on whether the DPJ government framed its recent security policy regarding China concerning the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands dispute. By analyzing the dominant realist narrative and...Show moreThis thesis focuses on whether the DPJ government framed its recent security policy regarding China concerning the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands dispute. By analyzing the dominant realist narrative and alternative ways to perceive the policy, an overview is given of some notable works on the subject. A discourse analysis is used on the political discourse after the Boat Collision Incident of 2010 and the Purchase Incident of 2012. Based on the results of these case studies, this thesis maintains the position that the DPJ government did not frame the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands dispute in order to advance a broader security policy. Instead, Tokyo tends to shelve the dispute and focus more on maintaining good bilateral relations with China.Show less
On 26 September 26 2013, Japanese prime-minister Shinzo Abe vowed in front of the General Assembly of the United Nations to 'create a society in which women shine'. In this paper, I will discuss...Show moreOn 26 September 26 2013, Japanese prime-minister Shinzo Abe vowed in front of the General Assembly of the United Nations to 'create a society in which women shine'. In this paper, I will discuss the structural impediments to Abe’s work- and family balance plans to increase women’s participation in the Japanese labour force, and how the Japanese government can overcome them. The analysis of past policies does not only suggest that Abe’s womenomics plans are not particularly innovative, but also indicates Abe’s ‘work- and family balance’ plans are subject to social stigmas, reinforced not only by Japanese company employment practices, but also by the government itself. Additionally, suitable policy recommendations are provided.Show less
