In 2019, the occurrence of forest fires in the Amazon rainforest gained worldwide attention. Actors at different political levels thereby exhibited conflicting understandings of the issue,...Show moreIn 2019, the occurrence of forest fires in the Amazon rainforest gained worldwide attention. Actors at different political levels thereby exhibited conflicting understandings of the issue, appropriate responses to it and responsibility to be taken. As linkages were drawn between the perception of the rainforest fires as a global environmental problem, and ramifications for the pursuance of economic interests, the case of the political discussion around the 2019 Amazon rainforest fires is illustrative of valuations of the environment within a Global Political Economy (GPE) context. In order to further understanding of these valuations, this thesis looks into the use of particular conceptions of nature-society relations and spatial scales, which both come forward in political ecology literature. Through a textual analysis of statements by civil society actors, Amazonian countries and foreign governments, it finds that ecological change is made political, and political legitimacy is created or limited for different involved actors, through references to the value of the Amazon rainforest and the scale of this value. This leads to the conclusion that conceptions of nature-society relations and spatial scales reflect and have implications for the ways in which we define environmental problems, politicize the environment and allocate forms of environmental responsibility to different actors.Show less
This thesis explores the role of the OEEC in the management of Western European overseas colonies. Through a qualitative historical research drawing mainly on the archival collection of the OEEC,...Show moreThis thesis explores the role of the OEEC in the management of Western European overseas colonies. Through a qualitative historical research drawing mainly on the archival collection of the OEEC, it argues that beyond its primary objectives of administering Marshall Aid, the OEEC became a platform in which Western European powers organized their relations with their overseas territories. Beyond economic concerns, these territories were considered as a political question, and the OEEC developed into a venue in which the interests of Europe were safeguarded, at the crossroads between integration and decolonization.Show less
Chinese dynasties are often described in terms of “universal emperorship”, because their territory was vast and they had a large influence on the wider region. This has also been applied to the Han...Show moreChinese dynasties are often described in terms of “universal emperorship”, because their territory was vast and they had a large influence on the wider region. This has also been applied to the Han dynasty, which is the first major Chinese dynasty. However, there is much evidence suggesting that the Han empire used a more limited notion of empire, which challenges the theory of universal emperorship. Therefore, this paper explores the question: to what extent does the foreign policy of the Han dynasty reflect the principle of universal emperorship? To answer this question, historical evidence about the foreign policy of the Former Han dynasty is analyzed according to three aspects of universal emperorship: political emperorship, geographical emperorship and cultural emperorship. This case study yields the conclusion that the foreign policy of the Han empire does not reflect the theory of universal emperorship. Instead, the Han dynasty accepted the independence of other states, and sought for equal relations with their leaders. This result suggests that the association between Chinese empires and universal emperorship has to be revised.Show less
This Masters’ thesis aims to answer the question of how China employs the pursuit of equitably distributed economic growth within the Chengdu-Chongqing city cluster (or shorter: Cheng-Yu cluster)...Show moreThis Masters’ thesis aims to answer the question of how China employs the pursuit of equitably distributed economic growth within the Chengdu-Chongqing city cluster (or shorter: Cheng-Yu cluster) in promoting the cluster in East Asian international production networks (IPNs). A proper and efficient division of labor across multiple locations – when well managed and guided by the government – factors significantly in the success of the city cluster, which is part of IPNs. This thesis intends to contribute to earlier research on the cluster by looking at the geographic differences in terms of development within the cluster. I conclude that the Chinese government envisions the promotion of the Cheng-Yu cluster in East Asian IPNs through the pursuit of equitably distributed economic growth by way of assigning roles to specifically defined cities, but the allocation of roles is very broad and a more well-defined distribution of roles may benefit the equitability of growth distribution and the effective incorporation in IPNs.Show less
With the adoption of the European Union Global Strategy in 2016 the EU renewed its quest for attaining strategic autonomy. However, the EU document did not specify what would constitute European...Show moreWith the adoption of the European Union Global Strategy in 2016 the EU renewed its quest for attaining strategic autonomy. However, the EU document did not specify what would constitute European strategic autonomy (ESA), so, as is the case with the EU’s external policies, the national perspectives of Member States are its obvious basis. Historically, the Netherlands has been an obstructionist when it came to European security and defence integration due to its Atlanticist position, begging the question: how is European strategic autonomy represented in Dutch politics? To understand the Dutch perspective and positioning regarding ESA, this thesis drew from the field of Critical Geopolitics, conducting an interpretive-explanatory research employing discourse analysis by analysing statements made by party representatives in the Tweede Kamer during the period of 2016-2021. Three distinct schools of thought underpinning the representations of ESA in the Dutch debate. The Sovereigntists are Eurosceptics who present ESA as an attempt to establish a European army and a threat to national sovereignty. The Europeanists actively champion ESA and envision it as an emancipatory project to make the EU able to act independently of the US because it is an increasingly unreliable ally. The Atlanticists present ESA as an opportunity to take responsibility within NATO and improve burden-sharing with the US. This thesis found that the Dutch debate regarding European security policy has substantially Europeanised. While the Atlanticists are still cautious, they no longer take an active obstructionist position, instead adopting Europeanist talking-points from the 90s. Considering this Europeanist momentum, there is potential for the Netherlands to become an active and serious promotor of ambitious European security commitments.Show less
This thesis looks at the role of Japan during the negotiations of a large-scale free trade agreement in the Asia-Pacific region, namely the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP)....Show moreThis thesis looks at the role of Japan during the negotiations of a large-scale free trade agreement in the Asia-Pacific region, namely the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). Previously, academic discourse such as the pivotal state theory by Solís and Katada has focused on role of Japan during mega-FTAs. However, most of this research has been focused on Japan during CPTPP negotiations. This thesis looks at Japan’s role within RCEP, as it is the first mega-FTA with China. How does Japan’s influence compare to China during RCEP negotiations? By way of methodological triangulation, this thesis will measure the influence of Japan. While there are limitations, Japan was able to influence some regulations, especially regarding tariff reduction, intellectual property and e-commerce. That being said, while Japan hoped to include India within RCEP, India withdrew in the last stage of negotiations. This is because that Japan’s position within negotiations was hampered among others by its interventionist agricultural lobby. As Japan’s influence within RCEP was limited, it remains an unlikely pivotal state while China’s influence grows. With its analysis, this thesis will contribute to a broader academic discourse on the pivotal state theory, as well as the developments of mega-FTA negotiations in general.Show less
China’s contemporary foreign policy project, dubbed the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) or the ‘New Silk Road’, which was initiated in 2013 to foster a ‘community of shared destiny’ through...Show moreChina’s contemporary foreign policy project, dubbed the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) or the ‘New Silk Road’, which was initiated in 2013 to foster a ‘community of shared destiny’ through infrastructure development, has remained a prominent contemporary issue for Southeast Asian states that are situated in one of China’s key geographical areas of interest for the BRI’s designated ‘Maritime Silk Road’. While on the one hand presenting itself as a solution to the region’s infrastructural challenges through investments, it simultaneously continues to clash with a number of states within Southeast Asia over territorial disputes within the South China Sea (SCS). In this sense, what China has gained in means of hard power, it can be argued to lack in soft power within the current regional order – a power vacuum that the implementation of developments under the banner of the Maritime Silk Road Initiative (MSRI) component of the BRI could potentially resolve for China. In attempting to find an answer to the question “How has China’s 21st Century Maritime Silk Road affected state cohesion within Southeast Asia?”, a comparison has been made between five claimant states within the SCS region (the Philippines, Indonesia, Malaysia, Brunei, and Vietnam) to see how each of their positions has potentially been altered in light of China’s MSRI, and thereby ultimately their overall cohesion. By applying a congruence analysis, the explanatory power of realist and constructivist theoretical approaches have been tested to determine which variables have been decisive in foreign policy decision-making for the observed cases. While the variables related to realism have been concluded to be more decisive for a decrease in cohesion amongst the claimant states for the time being, developments under the banner of the BRI as well as the SCS disputes are in constant flux. Therefore no definitive conclusion can be drawn yet with respect to the direction of regionalism in Southeast Asia and the most suitable theoretical explanation thereof.Show less
The Rif War and the subsequent proclamation of the Rif Republic marked a watershed for anti-colonial movements during the interwar period. Traditional historiography tended to categorize the...Show moreThe Rif War and the subsequent proclamation of the Rif Republic marked a watershed for anti-colonial movements during the interwar period. Traditional historiography tended to categorize the episode as an isolated tribal revolt. Nevertheless, recent studies shed light on the international significance the conflict had on the emergence of global anti-colonial solidarity. This thesis uses Orientalism to analyze how transnational anti-colonial solidarity associated with the Riffians was perceived by the Spanish intelligence and interpreted by colonial military officers. It argues that orientalist and essentialist assumptions caused colonial officials to misinterpret transnational anti-colonialism, exaggerating the Riffian rebellion's dimension and altering their sense-making of foreign and domestic politics.Show less
This thesis aimed to establish how Gibridnaya Voyna became a popular framework in Russia to describe Russia’s relationship with the West. Using the process-tracing method, this thesis traced the...Show moreThis thesis aimed to establish how Gibridnaya Voyna became a popular framework in Russia to describe Russia’s relationship with the West. Using the process-tracing method, this thesis traced the two main aspects of the Gibridnaya Voyna framework, NATO expansion and color revolutions, throughout major Russian documents from 1991 to 2016.Show less
Over the last 30 years, Somalia has experienced a civil war that has torn the country apart. Countless civilians have lost their lives, almost all public institutions have been destroyed, and large...Show moreOver the last 30 years, Somalia has experienced a civil war that has torn the country apart. Countless civilians have lost their lives, almost all public institutions have been destroyed, and large segments of the Somali society have fled abroad to seek shelter (Mohamud 2020, 115). The country experienced a Hobbesian era of anarchy that symbolized what Robert Rotberg classified as “a rare and extreme version of a failed state. (…). a mere geographical expression, a black hole [where] there is dark energy, but the forces of entropy have overwhelmed the radiance that hitherto provided some semblance of order and other vital political goods to the inhabitants (no longer the citizens)” (Rotberg 2004, 9). To end Somalia’s acute state of anarchy and its protracted inter-tribal warfare’s, international multilateral organizations such as the United Nations (UN) and Somalia’s neighbouring countries have sought to mediate relations between the contesting factions that were exercising inter-tribal politics within the country. Three major peace and reconciliation conferences sponsored by the international community have been held to resolve the Somali impasse: the first summit took place in Borama (Somaliland) in 1993, the second in Arta (Djibouti) in 2000, and the third in Mbagathi (Kenya) in 2003. The Borama conference in particular is what led to the self-determination of Somaliland, which is not the theme of this thesis. The topic of this research is to look at the differences between these peace processes. By comparing the nature of these three conferences it is possible to identify practices and models of peacebuilding for Somalia, a country that is seeking stability to this day. Despite these costly peace-making conferences as it cost the United Nations (UN) and donor countries to spend enormous sums of money and resources, Somalia remains fragmented and unstable, with the current federal government barely able to control its capital, Mogadishu (Ingiriis 2020, 10). Through a top-down peace-making approach, the so-called international community (IC) has attempted to solve disputes between powerful actors without incorporating local values, history, expertise, and the everyday experiences of the wider Somali population into the peacemaking processes and ultimately these efforts have failed to produce effective dispute resolution (Ansems 2011, 99). Given these failures, this research attempts to investigate the underlying factors that explain the UN’s liberal peacebuilding approach (which applies a predefined conceptual top-down framework that neglects Somalia’s everyday experiences) and why it failed to bring forth any genuine reconciliation (Glawion 2020, 66). Due to the disconnect between the top-down peacebuilding framework and Somalia and democracy, this paper investigates how an alternative framework called the “pragmatic peacebuilding approach” which moves beyond traditional liberal peace, can facilitate a more practical approach to peacebuilding that is sustainable, reconciliatory and context-specific. This thesis will endeavour to test the following research question and hypothesis. The research question is quite straightforward: the UN’s top-down peacebuilding process has been taking place in Somalia for more than 20 years, why then have the UN’s efforts failed to yield plausible peace results in Somalia? The answer to the research question is based on the following hypothesis: in Somalia, top-down peacebuilding has prevailed over grassroots-level peacebuilding and this is why peacebuilding in Somalia did not succeed. The hypothesis is based on both a historical account of what has happened in Somalia, including Somaliland, since the early 1990s and on the review of the literature on the Somali problem as well as on peacebuilding in general. Somaliland achieved peace vis-à-vis a grassroots model of peacebuilding, while in the rest of Somalia the UN used a top-down approach.Show less
