Currently, China is one of the most important actors in the international energy arena. Increasing economic growth requires The People’s Republic of China (the PRC), first, to expand its energy...Show moreCurrently, China is one of the most important actors in the international energy arena. Increasing economic growth requires The People’s Republic of China (the PRC), first, to expand its energy supply providers (diversification), and, second, to make this supply a secure one. Due to the rapidly changing market of energy, it is important to understand what factors place the main stress on the current energy policies and drive it to change. The essay addresses the following question: Why is China altering its current energy policy in the Middle East and pursuing diversification of energy supply in Central Asia and Russia? There are four main triggers pushing the PRC to a change: security, environment, technology and geopolitics. These four are acting as both separate issues and interconnected factors. The essay argues that China's high dependence on the Middle Eastern energy exports does not allow the PRC to switch to other suppliers completely in the nearest future. On the contrary, friendly relations between Persian Gulf countries and China should be used towards the creation of the triad energy framework (China—Central Asia—Russia or the Middle East—Central Asia+Russia—China). Central Asia serves as both the primary secure supplier of energy to China and as the transit point. This transit option connects China with the Middle East through the land which are the safe supplying routes Chinese government is pursuing. Moreover, the growing worldwide environmental concern requires China to reconsider its current energy supply strategies. Thus, the geopolitical switch may stimulate more environmentally friendly consumption and production of energy by the means of gas. Finally, gas and more specifically the Liquified Natural Gas (LNG) has a bigger potential in Central Asian, Russia, and China than in the Middle East allowing China not only to pursue cleaner energy supply but to overcome certain security issues.Show less
The Chinese housing market has been a significant contributor to economic growth in China: the rampant land sales and the abundant financing of real estate development proved to be an effective way...Show moreThe Chinese housing market has been a significant contributor to economic growth in China: the rampant land sales and the abundant financing of real estate development proved to be an effective way to boost GDP. Nevertheless, the construction boom that came along with the capitalist reforms led to numerous unforeseen consequences. The large numbers of unsold properties and vacant apartments bought by investors, especially in tier 3 and 4 cities, has left many wondering whether there is adequate demand to cope with the large housing supply. Simultaneously, prices in tier 1 cities have skyrocketed to unaffordable levels, leaving working class Chinese out of home ownership. This paper is therefore aimed at analyzing and understanding the developments of the capitalist housing market in China and how these problems came to be. It highlights the internal processes and political structures that have led to the existence of the problem.Show less
In the Western world a popular belief is that great nations should take responsibility and protect the populations of conflict-ridden countries. In many ways we could argue that China is on its way...Show moreIn the Western world a popular belief is that great nations should take responsibility and protect the populations of conflict-ridden countries. In many ways we could argue that China is on its way to becoming a great nation, thus expectations that the Chinese leadership steps up to this task are mounting. Traditional Chinese foreign policy is based on respect for the sovereignty of other nations, non-intervention and laissez-faire in general. Greater economic interests in areas abroad are in conflict with these traditional principles. In this thesis we have therefore researched whether China is putting economic and diplomatic pragmatism ahead of principle. While Beijing attempts to avoid involvement in matters that are not of national interest, we will see from two case studies - based on the Libyan civil war and the Syrian civil war - that this has become increasingly difficult. Moreover, when looking at UN peacekeeping operations we see that China is an actively contributing P5 member. It seems that 'wuwei' (or not-doing), is becoming an untenable stance in a globalizing world.Show less
This thesis analyzes the policies adopted by the PRC toward the GCC in the context of the decline of US hegemony in the 21st century through the prism of neoclassical realism. The PRC, in response...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the policies adopted by the PRC toward the GCC in the context of the decline of US hegemony in the 21st century through the prism of neoclassical realism. The PRC, in response to the evolving global distribution of power, has expanded relations with the GCC. Domestic political factors within the PRC itself, however, are weighed heavily against engaging in balancing behavior due to the immense costs it would impose. Therefore, the PRC has adopted the policy of strategic hedging in the GCC to maximize gains while minimizing the potential for confrontation with the US. By tracing the causal mechanism in neoclassical realism that translates changes in relative power to the formulation of foreign policy, this thesis proves there is a clear causal link in this case between power deconcentration and the adoption of strategic hedging behavior. This strategy has been remarkably successful, fulfilling the needs of the PRC while simultaneously working within a framework amenable to the US. In this manner, the PRC’s GCC policy complements, rather than competes with, US interests in the region.Show less
China’s exceptional growth, since the early 1980s, has been accompanied by a startling rise in gender-wage inequality. Gendered occupational segregation is identified as a primary cause, and has...Show moreChina’s exceptional growth, since the early 1980s, has been accompanied by a startling rise in gender-wage inequality. Gendered occupational segregation is identified as a primary cause, and has been a prominent feature of China’s economic transition and integration into the global economy. The channeling of women into low-skill, low-wage occupations is an often neglected factor in the story of China’s export-led economic growth and the development of its growing service industries. The purpose of this thesis is to establish how the revival of traditional gender norms in China has contributed to high levels of occupational gender-segregation and rising wage inequality. In particular this thesis focuses on changing constructions of gender as advanced by the state, through social policy and labour regulations, and in state media.Show less
After the Asian financial crisis in 1997 which demonstrated the incapability of the global financial institutions, especially the International Monetary Fund, to adequately respond to the crisis in...Show moreAfter the Asian financial crisis in 1997 which demonstrated the incapability of the global financial institutions, especially the International Monetary Fund, to adequately respond to the crisis in East Asia. Regional dissatisfaction with the IMF led bail-out caused a series of efforts to build regional institutions in order manage future crises. The most prominent is the Chiang Mai Initiative (CMI). The CMI was created in 2000 by the ASEAN+3 countries as a tool to prevent another financial crisis like the one striking the several Asian countries in 1997-1998 from happening. Later it developed into the CMIM. This thesis aims to investigate the usefulness of the CMI/CMIM to China.Show less
