Even though Zimbabwe has regular elections, the country is often regarded as an authoritarian regime. In this research, Zimbabwe's results in the EIU index of democracy are analyzed. The main...Show moreEven though Zimbabwe has regular elections, the country is often regarded as an authoritarian regime. In this research, Zimbabwe's results in the EIU index of democracy are analyzed. The main question to answer is to what extent is Zimbabwe democratic or authoritarian and how does the media influence this image of Zimbabwe.Show less
The DRC has been a conflict-ridden country since pre-colonial times, it is paradoxical that a country so rich in natural resources remains so poor and underdeveloped. This thesis attempts to...Show moreThe DRC has been a conflict-ridden country since pre-colonial times, it is paradoxical that a country so rich in natural resources remains so poor and underdeveloped. This thesis attempts to discover whether the modern, industrialised countries play any role in the perpetuation of the conflict situation in the DRC regarding the exploitation of 'Coltan' which is a widely used mineral for the manufacturing of smartphones and other electronic devices. The historical legacies of the DRC will be explored, an analysis of the conflict situation in the eastern provinces of the DRC will be provided and the commodity chain of coltan will be discussed.Show less
This thesis utilizes a comparative perspective in analyzing the perceived differences between how people with albinism (PWA) are treated in Benin, Cameroon, The Democratic Republic of the Congo ...Show moreThis thesis utilizes a comparative perspective in analyzing the perceived differences between how people with albinism (PWA) are treated in Benin, Cameroon, The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Nigeria, South Africa, Tanzania, and Zimbabwe, by examining the variables of ethno-religious composition and socio-economic conditions in the countries. This research has shown that although the differences might be small, they are of crucial importance in how a PWA is perceived in these countries and how these notions have changed over time; from PWA being revered in pre-colonial Yorubaland and the old Kongo Kingdom, to today’s experiences of stigma and discrimination in name-calling, mutilations, and killings. Similarly, a stark contrast also exists amongst some of the countries – from PWA in Benin being revered, to PWA fearing for their lives in Tanzania due to a higher demand for PWA body parts to be used in witchcraft. Tanzania is also the African country that has garnered the most international attention for its treatment of PWA, and although the government and the state attempt to limit the extreme discrimination, it continues to persist. Nevertheless, it is important to keep in mind that the problems of stigma and discrimination as experienced by PWA are not limited to Tanzania, but exist all over the African continent.Show less
Diamonds have played a crucial part in Namibia’s development to become a growing and stable country (Cleveland 6). This thesis will examine the positive impact of the Namibian diamond industry on...Show moreDiamonds have played a crucial part in Namibia’s development to become a growing and stable country (Cleveland 6). This thesis will examine the positive impact of the Namibian diamond industry on the economical and political development of the country since independence. Unlike many other African states rich in natural resources, Namibia was able to enjoy a stable development since its independence. It is thus considered to be one of the few success stories regarding economic growth in Africa (Cleveland 2,6). This thesis hypothesizes that resource rich states benefit from political stability as it leads to economic growth and prosperity. In support of this hypothesis, the paper gives first an overview of the topic, before providing a detailed analysis of possible reasons, including on the basis of historic, political, and economic parameters.Show less
This thesis looks at the effects that the UDI, the Second Chimurenga and the Lancaster House Agreement (LHA) have had on Zimbabwe and the current official government discourse by assessing the...Show moreThis thesis looks at the effects that the UDI, the Second Chimurenga and the Lancaster House Agreement (LHA) have had on Zimbabwe and the current official government discourse by assessing the historical documents and various speeches by President Robert Mugabe. This thesis explores how the new Zimbabwean elite class was formed by the Chimurenga and what effect this had on the political economy, in terms of land and resource distribution, the race dynamics and nation-building under black majority rule. It stresses the importance of taking a more nuanced approach than simply blaming either Mugabe or the colonial past for the current social, political and economic crisis in Zimbabwe. At 36 years old, Zimbabwe is such a young state that much remains to be researched and discussed, not only for the sake of scholarship but also to better understand the struggles that the average Zimbabwean faces and to move away from Western-led development aid towards more effective and self-sufficient grassroots and projects.Show less
The way people dress in Africa is often overlooked and interpreted as traditional or fixed. Nevertheless, interaction between the African ways of dressing and western styles of fashion has occurred...Show moreThe way people dress in Africa is often overlooked and interpreted as traditional or fixed. Nevertheless, interaction between the African ways of dressing and western styles of fashion has occurred over time increasingly. Especially during colonialism, the influence of the western styles of dressing had on the Africans has increased. As a result of this, the African ways of dressing have changed among many different areas on the continent. In all the various regions of the continent the ways of dressing have developed in different directions and with the colonial influences the changes have been developing via several roads as well. Therefore, each case has its own answers and reasons for why people dress the way they do and its own reasons to reject or embrace the western styles of dressing. Within the following pages the political and cultural reasons for people to embrace or reject the western ways of dressing will be examined.Show less
Diving into the history of the character and spread of Kiswahili, I examine how power structures in society have influenced the character and spread of Kiswahili in Tanzania. I focus on the early...Show moreDiving into the history of the character and spread of Kiswahili, I examine how power structures in society have influenced the character and spread of Kiswahili in Tanzania. I focus on the early independence period because Kiswahili was nationalised during this period and because the manner in which this was done and legitimised remains underresearched. Using the Gramscian concept hegemony as the success of the ruling class to construct a worldview that is accepted throughout society which naturalizes power relationships between different social groups, I argue that the ideology through which Kiswahili was nationalised in Tanzania shaped the discourse on Kiswahili in a way that naturalizes the power structures in society, thereby implicitly justifying the choice of Kiswahili as the national language. Upon independence, TANU formed the state and shaped the nation. They were the new ruling class and as such tried to establish hegemony. Analysing Ujamaa ideology and the discourse on Kiswahili, I explain how this discourse subverted the issue of ethnic languages and power relations in Tanzania. The mythical elements of these discourses are deconstructed by juxtaposing them with historical realities. By debunking the ideological assumptions on which knowledge about Kiswahili was produced, I simultaneously call into question the epistemological value of research published in the journal Kiswahili.Show less
The African Union (AU), whose main objective is to coordinate and intensify cooperation for development of the African region, presents itself as an energetic and ambitious driving force for change...Show moreThe African Union (AU), whose main objective is to coordinate and intensify cooperation for development of the African region, presents itself as an energetic and ambitious driving force for change in the continent’s human rights landscape. In June 2014, the AU adopted the Protocol on Amendments to the Protocol on the Statue of the African Court of Justice and Human Rights, often referred to as the Malabo Protocol. The Malabo Protocol extends the jurisdiction of the African Court of Justice and Human Rights (ACJHR) and empowers it to try serious crimes of international concern such as genocide, crimes against humanity and war crimes. Although the ACJHR is not yet an operational court, it has the potential to bring positive contributions to a continent tormented by persistent conflicts and a culture of impunity. AU member states now stand before various paths in the realization of human rights and they have been involved in an ongoing discussion on Universal Jurisdiction and its life-form, the International Criminal Court (ICC). A thorough consideration of all the grounds for the AU’s decision to give the African Court jurisdiction over international crimes will then show that the process has been motivated by other reasons than late anti-ICC sentiment alone. This study will not only examine the ICC versus Africa debate, it will also go beyond it. In this way, an African perspective will be offered that explains a larger focus on regional processes of African human rights law not only as a result of growing anti-ICC sentiment. Instead, it will be argued that there has been a legal and historical necessity for the development of an African perspective to international human rights law that is not necessarily meant to duplicate or impede on the work of the ICC.Show less
This International Studies Master Thesis adds to the existing explanations of the outbreak of the border conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia, from 1998 till 2000. In order to do so, the thesis...Show moreThis International Studies Master Thesis adds to the existing explanations of the outbreak of the border conflict between Eritrea and Ethiopia, from 1998 till 2000. In order to do so, the thesis makes use of the insights derived from the theory of Chiozza and Goemans (2011). This theory takes on a starting position in which an (authoritarian) leader faces domestic opposition. Chiozza and Goemans argue that when, in such a situation, an ‘exogenous shock’ favours the position of the opposition, the leader might rationally choose to use international conflict to secure his/her position in office. Embedded in this framework, the thesis finds that the relationship between the Eritrean People’s Liberation Front (EPLF) and the Tigrayan People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) has been problematic from the start, in particular because the EPLF was not prepared to let go its superior status. Furthermore, during the 1990s the EPLF turned into an authoritarian regime, centred around Isaias himself. Despite the fact that official opposition within Eritrea was impossible due to the repressive measures, foreign opposition emerged, including the ethnic minority groups of the Red Sea Afar peoples and the Kunama peoples, which were both supported by the Ethiopian government. At the same time, the balance between the EPLF and TPLF was changing; the EPLF had to accept the TPLF as the ‘senior partner’ as they had become the leader of a more powerful country, Ethiopia. This also implied that the ethnic minority groups were supported by a more powerful actor, which could have been the ‘exogenous shock’ that favoured the opposition, mentioned by Chiozza and Goemans. Therefore, Isaias might have rationally chosen to initiate the border war as a means to regain his power.Show less
This paper aims at analysing how these two periods of Somalia’s recent history influenced and laid the foundations for rivalries between different factions within the country, which eventually...Show moreThis paper aims at analysing how these two periods of Somalia’s recent history influenced and laid the foundations for rivalries between different factions within the country, which eventually exploded in an excruciating conflict. Firstly, the aim of this paper is to assess how and why the Italian administration of Somalia was overall a failure, and to which extent it was harmful for the future of the country as a whole. Indeed, the targets that the United Nations demanded Italy to achieve within a decade were out of reach for a newborn country that was still struggling with mending the wounds of the Second World War. Hence, there will be in-depth focus on the structural flaws that characterised the establishment of the Italian administration and it mistakes on a social and political level once operational in the country. Secondly, this thesis will analyse the societal structure of Somalia, which is for the vast majority based on clan divisions (Paolo Tripodi 361). The objective of this section to examine how such divisions played a crucial role in combination with the policies implemented by the colonial and post-colonial administrations, which proved to lack any specific knowledge of the “very complex system of clan families” (Richard Dowden 97). Thirdly, this paper will aim at analysing the influence of Siad Barre’s regime, and how the policies he attempted to implement acted as gunpowder for a perfectly mixed explosive machineryShow less
An analysis of the economic partnerships that both the European Union and China have on the African Continent and whether or not those partnerships are beneficial for Africa.
