This research paper explores the practice of traditional tattoos by Moroccan women through the scope of subaltern resistance against colonial violence perpetrated by the French Protectorate in...Show moreThis research paper explores the practice of traditional tattoos by Moroccan women through the scope of subaltern resistance against colonial violence perpetrated by the French Protectorate in Morocco. A multifaceted Amazigh ritual rich with social codes, this tradition has been rumoured to have undergone a mutation under European colonialism. After having presented the system of power of the Protectorate, its structural violence targeted towards local inhabitants and forms of opposition set in motion by the latter, a polysemic analysis of the tattoo ritual of Moroccan women has been investigated and linked with subaltern resistance. In order to follow the thought of post-colonialism and subaltern studies, the testimony of a tattooed Moroccan woman has been collected. The findings are useful to understand the balance of power between a colonial state apparatus and subaltern women, the political implications tied to culture such as traditional rituals, resistance through the everyday, and the connection between culture and politics in International Relations.Show less
Afghanistan has been a place of importance for the US in particular since 2001 when the US invaded the country after the start of the war on terror. The US involvement however has not only had an...Show moreAfghanistan has been a place of importance for the US in particular since 2001 when the US invaded the country after the start of the war on terror. The US involvement however has not only had an impact on the country itself, but also affected the geopolitics of the region. Specifically, with regards to Afghanistan's neighbours of China, Iran, and on the India-Pakistan dynamic. This paper explores these relationships and concludes that despite their differences in regional goals, all countries involved benefit from a stable Afghanistan.Show less
The Non-Aligned Movement and the Group of 77 were established in the 1960s as two organizations working primarily through the United Nations to represent the issues and interests of the Global...Show moreThe Non-Aligned Movement and the Group of 77 were established in the 1960s as two organizations working primarily through the United Nations to represent the issues and interests of the Global South. This thesis researches why the Non-Aligned Movement and the Group of 77 have not merged together despite their overwhelming similarities. In addition, it is researched what the (dis)advantages of merging together would be for the two organizations.Show less
This thesis will seek to explore the Obama administration’s reasoning behind its foreign policy of ‘leading from behind’ in the NATO alliance. While the United States proved willing to account for...Show moreThis thesis will seek to explore the Obama administration’s reasoning behind its foreign policy of ‘leading from behind’ in the NATO alliance. While the United States proved willing to account for an excessive share of the burden during, for example, the intervention in the former Yugoslavia of 1999, Washington DC called for a wider shared responsibility during the 2011 intervention in Libya. It will be argued that the core arguments of the hegemonic stability theory, which are generally neglected in debates about military burden-sharing, render useful in explaining this shift in American contributions made to the NATO alliance. By analysing and comparing the two major NATO air campaigns in the former Yugoslavia and Libya, it will be revealed that the shift from a unipolar to a multi-polar world has resulted in this new direction in US foreign policy. This thesis will demonstrate that the unipolar world in which the intervention in the former Yugoslavia took place allowed the US to retain – and even strengthen – its hegemonic position in the global order. However, the Obama administration took the relative decline of US power into account in its decision to lead from behind in Libya. As predicted by the hegemonic stability theory, hegemons that lose power become less willing to accept free-riding in alliances and reconsider the way in which they spend their resources. The intervention in Libya should, therefore, be considered as a tipping point that reflected this new direction in US foreign policy.Show less
Photography is a versatile medium that is able to freeze a single moment in time as well as provide insight into the zeitgeist of a longer period. Therein lies part of the value of the medium of...Show morePhotography is a versatile medium that is able to freeze a single moment in time as well as provide insight into the zeitgeist of a longer period. Therein lies part of the value of the medium of photography, as well as a political application. This thesis explores this claim further and considers photography as a tool for resistance in the anti-apartheid struggle in South Africa. This illustrates a larger point, namely that aesthetic theory adds to our understanding of international relations, especially regarding power relations and resistance. This premise is located in larger body of literature as part of Bleiker’s aesthetic turn in IR and Danchev’s concept of witnessing. From this flows an analysis of parrhesia, as the South African photographer speaks truth to power, as well as an examination of visual normativity, everyday resistance and memory. The conceptual framework is constructed on Sontag en Butler’s review on the medium of photography, and Rancière’s treatment of the relation between aesthetics and politics. Images from apartheid photographers such as David Goldblatt and Ernest Cole are analysed to shed light on these theoretical concepts and further demonstrate how power operated during apartheid, but also how norms are subverted and the white hegemony resisted. This thesis thus concludes that aesthetic theory in general and photography in particular is an important resource in the field of IR to foster a better understanding of power relations, conflict and resistance.Show less
The United States defense and security policy saw a lot of changes after the Cold War. This post-Cold War scenario is characterized by American hegemony, created a situation where certain...Show moreThe United States defense and security policy saw a lot of changes after the Cold War. This post-Cold War scenario is characterized by American hegemony, created a situation where certain tendencies of the security policy were not needed anymore. In addition to these structural changes that came after the Cold War, growing economic and political competition from China entailed another series of structural change. These changes were happening in a international seting where the United States is dealing with more limited use of resources which have questioned the sustainability of the defence and security policy. The two structural changes that will be analysed are at first the outsourcing of military tasks by the United States in the post Cold War scenario. This was done as the creation of a private market of defence was seen as beneficial due to the possibility of reduced cost, higher efficiency and efficacy. However this was not considering the possibility of deregulation of this industry, the deregulated cost due to opportunistic behaviour of these companies. These tendencies ultimately negatively impacting the sustainability of the security and defence policy. The second change is the lack of sustainable defence spending by the US.Show less
Due to its important economic growth China has become, over the 21st century, an important actor on the international stage. Today, China is said to be undermining the American hegemon which has...Show moreDue to its important economic growth China has become, over the 21st century, an important actor on the international stage. Today, China is said to be undermining the American hegemon which has been leading the international system since the end of the Cold War. The Thucydides’s Trap analogy of Graham Allison predicts that a war between both powers is “more likely than not” (Allison 2017b). This thesis explores the existence of this trap and the implications for the relationship between the United States and China. For this purpose, this thesis performs a qualitative analysis through the in-depth review of Allison’s analogy and takes a deductive approach by testing it on post-World War II circumstances. The conclusions of this inquiry are then applied to the power shift between the United States and China. The analysis discloses that there is no such thing as a trap as argued by Allison. Moreover, the findings reveal that Allison overlooks the developments of the current world order which make the Thucydides’s Trap inapplicable to the power shift between the United States and China. Subsequently, Allison’s methodological tool is deemed to be analytically weak and the form of determinism arising from his analogy is conjectural.Show less
This dissertation will analyze the George W. Bush and Obama administrations with regard to foreign policy toward Iran. As these two presidents took office after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, this...Show moreThis dissertation will analyze the George W. Bush and Obama administrations with regard to foreign policy toward Iran. As these two presidents took office after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, this paper will be analyzing their foreign policy decisions and approaches toward Iran in the context of the War on Terror. Right after the 9/11 attacks, George W. Bush designated Iran as part of the ‘axis of evil’ which he considered to be foreign governments that sponsored terrorism and sought weapons of mass destruction. Interestingly enough, when Bush launched the War on Terror military campaign, his plans included the invasion of several Middle-Eastern countries but excluded Iran. Iran was known to have nuclear capabilities but was never invaded. Under Bush, relations are considered to have worsened due to the 9/11 attacks, Iran’s suspected possession of nuclear weapons, and sanctions placed by the U.N. and the United States. When President Obama was elected in 2009 however, his approach to foreign policy dramatically shifted the political environment but ultimately resulted in improved relations between the two countries. The difference in approach to foreign policy, the tactics, and the results between Bush and Obama will be the focus of this research.Show less
Outer space state discourse focusses increasingly on the weaponization of space to protect itself. An outer space security dilemma is proposed by states as the main argument for the weaponization...Show moreOuter space state discourse focusses increasingly on the weaponization of space to protect itself. An outer space security dilemma is proposed by states as the main argument for the weaponization of outer space. Nonetheless, this theory of an outer space security dilemma is expanded from its applicability on a terrestrial level. The concept of state protection in outer space and the terrestrial differ fundamentally. Therefore, outer space may not be as vulnerable to a security dilemma as suggested by the security discourse of spacefaring states. This thesis will explore the extent to which the security dilemma is indeed applicable in outer space. By researching characteristics that both incite and mitigate an outer space security dilemma, this thesis will eventually conclude that the weaponization of outer space cannot be justified effectively through the theory of a security dilemma. The weaponization of outer space ought to be seen as a measure of luxury, rather than necessity.Show less
In this thesis the influence of the Israel lobby group on the relationship between Israel and the United States is examined. subsequently, the dependency of Israel on the US is analysed, as this...Show moreIn this thesis the influence of the Israel lobby group on the relationship between Israel and the United States is examined. subsequently, the dependency of Israel on the US is analysed, as this will correlate with the influence of the Israel lobby group.Show less
In the modern literature it is clear that a serious controversy exists as to just why the atomic bombs were dropped in 1945. This thesis is dedicated to inform about the different reasonings behind...Show moreIn the modern literature it is clear that a serious controversy exists as to just why the atomic bombs were dropped in 1945. This thesis is dedicated to inform about the different reasonings behind the nuclear decision and to provide an analysis about both the feasibility and the credibility of these reasons.Show less
This thesis concerns the Dutch responses to US foreign policy in the 21st century. The research involves an analysis of the responses to the War in Afghanistan and the Iraq War, which serve as case...Show moreThis thesis concerns the Dutch responses to US foreign policy in the 21st century. The research involves an analysis of the responses to the War in Afghanistan and the Iraq War, which serve as case studies. The thesis examines which theory – bandwagoning or soft balancing – explains the Dutch position in the context of the War on Terror. The realist theories of soft balancing and bandwagoning are two opposing approaches. In brief, soft balancing concerns strategies that are aimed at balancing the exceptional power of the United States, without provoking a disproportionate response from America. In contrast, bandwagoning involves strategies of staying close to the dominant power, in order to profit from the alliance in political, economic, or military-strategic terms. In this context, the Netherlands is an interesting case. As most of Western Europe, the Netherlands bandwagoned with the United States for its security and reconstruction after WWII. However, it is argued that Western European countries soft balanced against the US in the context of the War on Terror. The literature often focuses on France and Germany, but overlooks smaller countries, such as the Netherlands. The Dutch do not have the interest to soft balance against the United States, as it is reliant on its trans-Atlantic ally for its security and economy. However, the Netherlands does not have the interest to provoke its European allies either, as European integration and cooperation has benefitted the Dutch economy. Because of the uncompromising stance of France and Germany in the War on Terror, the Dutch foreign policy of ‘adapting as best as possible’ was complicated. As such, how did the Netherlands achieve its foreign policy goals without damaging its relations with any of its allies? This thesis outlines the government responses of the Netherlands to the War in Afghanistan and the Iraq War. From the analysis comes forward that the Dutch foreign policy was consistently about bandwagoning with the United States. By continuous bandwagoning, the Netherlands tried to obtain a better strategic position. Moreover, it tried to show the United States the importance of NATO, and to prevent the US from losing its interest in the trans-Atlantic alliance. The War in Afghanistan and the Iraq War sparked different responses throughout Europe. France and Germany agreed with most of America’s allies that the invasion of Afghanistan and the removal of the Taliban regime was a legitimate response to the terrorist attacks in September 11th. However, they adopted a different standpoint in the context of the Iraq War. The Netherlands remained supportive of the US endeavours in the Middle East. Against this background, the Netherlands tried to deliver European support to the United States. When it failed to do so, it offered limited support to the US, in order to not provoke its European allies.Show less
The war on drugs is does not only take place in South America, but also in other, less expected, parts of the world. In particular, opium travels from (mainly) Afghanistan to parts all over the...Show moreThe war on drugs is does not only take place in South America, but also in other, less expected, parts of the world. In particular, opium travels from (mainly) Afghanistan to parts all over the world, carried by all sorts of groups and organizations that have specialized in this trade. The PKK is active in a number of regions in the Middle-East and illicit drug trade is one of the means of its financing. Using the crime-terror continuum of Makarenko, this research describes the PKK as a commercial terrorist organization with mainly financial interests, at present stronger than their political motives. The research question of this thesis is as follows: “To what extent has the Kurdistan Workers’ Party transformed into a criminal organization from its erewhile politically motivated terrorist origins?” The relevance of this research is therefore to give the PKK a spot on the crime- terror continuum of Makarenko (2004: 131) and to show its evolution into a transnational organized crime organization, rather than just a static politically driven organization. This research could improve the formulation and implementation of future counter measures. The hypothesis of this thesis is that the PKK can be defined as a predominantly commercial terrorist organization.Show less
Considering the global boom in Transitional Justice (TJ) and its bureaucratization since the 1980s, critical multi-disciplinary scholars realised that ‘transitional’ discourses and practices were...Show moreConsidering the global boom in Transitional Justice (TJ) and its bureaucratization since the 1980s, critical multi-disciplinary scholars realised that ‘transitional’ discourses and practices were depoliticizing alternative political perspectives. But although they refer to interrelated phenomena, their language and chief academic objectives diverge, making depoliticization incoherent and under-conceptualized. This paper unifies prior efforts by asking what depoliticization is and tracing its consequences. We present six tentative definitions of depoliticization, categorise them into three types, and incorporate our preferred definition into our methodology. In a case study of TJ and post-transitional activism in Argentina during 1983-1996, we map its occurrence beginning with a depoliticizing move in 1983 by the Alfonsín administration that facilitated the production of Nunca Mas in 1984 and examine its relationship to the marginalization of the Madres de Plaza de Mayo, a civil society organisation that emerged in response to mass disappearances under the former military junta. We conclude that depoliticization occurred and contributed to marginalization of the Madres de Plaza de Mayo, having produced a clear conceptual framework for further applications of depoliticization in contexts of TJ.Show less
This Thesis has analyzed whether and to what extend the US occupation of Iraq can be considered as just. A just occupation would satisfy all principles set forth by jus post bellum. The research...Show moreThis Thesis has analyzed whether and to what extend the US occupation of Iraq can be considered as just. A just occupation would satisfy all principles set forth by jus post bellum. The research question was answered using a qualitative analysis based on a collection of secondary sources, which were analysed using the jus post bellum framework proposed by Orend (2006). The thesis came to the conclusion that the US occupation of Iraq was highly unjust as America failed to satisfy and in some cases clearly violated key principles set forth by jus post bellum. Most importantly the principle of rehabilitation was violated both on the political as well as military level. However, also the jus post bellum principles of Rights Vindication; Discrimination; Punishment #1 and #2; and Compensation were not satisfied if not violated. The failure to follow a just post bellum in Iraq, may explain the prolonged conflict that ensued in Iraq following the US led invasion.Show less
