China and the European Union have, for a long time, sustained a cooperative, yet at the same time, antagonistic relationship. The surge in Chinese FDI in Europe, after the global financial crisis,...Show moreChina and the European Union have, for a long time, sustained a cooperative, yet at the same time, antagonistic relationship. The surge in Chinese FDI in Europe, after the global financial crisis, exacerbated unfavorable opinions of China, due to skepticism surrounding the intentions behind this investment increase. There is in place the belief that Chinese investment is negatively contributing to EU cohesiveness, by putting member states against each other to curry for China’s favour and secure investments, thus putting at risk the European order. The period post-2008 financial crisis saw Portugal becoming an important recipient of Chinese FDI, and as such, this paper analyzes the impact Chinese FDI has in Portuguese foreign policy and its integration in the EU. Portugal proves to be a unique case in comparison with other member states, due to its long-lasting relationship with China, and positive track record as a member of the EU. This dissertation examines this issue by using liberal intergovernmentalism and motivations behind Chinese investment, to argue that Portugal’s domestic interests play an important role in how it handles both China and the EU, as well as to defend that Chinese investment in Portugal as shown to be economically motivated. The results suggest that Portugal maintains a consistent and unchanged, for the most part, China policy. Furthermore, since most of Portugal’s domestic interests are met by the EU, according to liberal intergovernmentalism, in this way, it continues to contribute to its integration in the union. All in all, Chinese FDI in Portugal shouldn’t pose as a concern to the EU, seeing as the data reveals that Portugal’s top investors continue to be fellow member states, with China comprising a modest and slowly decreasing percentage. Therefore, the novelty of Chinese FDI in Europe continues to perpetuate an exaggerated anxiety, along with often unnecessary concerns, regarding the impact of said investment in Portugal.Show less
The Chinese art and antiques market is to a large extent influenced by nationalism. In contrast to other governments, the Chinese government is not very successful in the repatriation of Chinese...Show moreThe Chinese art and antiques market is to a large extent influenced by nationalism. In contrast to other governments, the Chinese government is not very successful in the repatriation of Chinese cultural heritage. Therefore, it supports individuals to do so by rewarding those who step in. Nationalism nowadays is a very important value in Chinese society encouraged by the government. Part of that is also to encourage people to show their nationalism by means of buying art. Donors are also encouraged by the rewards they get for their donations. When an object that has been stolen from China comes up for sale it always attracts a lot of attention in China. This is especially the case when it originates from the Yuanmingyuan, a place connected to the humiliation of China. Many think the sale of stolen objects should be forbidden and if the government does not succeed in stopping the sale, people will try to buy it in order to repatriate it to China. Which can result in a bidding war in which the price reaches unrealistic heights. Individuals outside of mainland have used antiques to construct their Chinese identity and to strengthen their ties with China by among others donating stolen art. This is a way for them to show they support Chinese nationalism. Something that has had an influence on the buying behaviour of the overseas on the Chinese art and antique market. Since the beginning of the 2000s buyers from mainland China with the same purpose have entered the market. This has had an enormous influence on the Chinese art and antiques market. Thus, the Chinese art and antique market is to a large extent influenced by nationalism.Show less
This thesis looks at two scholarly works researching the debt traps in Nigeria and Sri Lanka. From these two scholarly works factors are derived and evaluated that, according to the scholarly works...Show moreThis thesis looks at two scholarly works researching the debt traps in Nigeria and Sri Lanka. From these two scholarly works factors are derived and evaluated that, according to the scholarly works, helped cause Nigeria and Sri Lanka's debt trap. These factors are then used to evaluate the case of Ethiopia and see to what extend this country runs the same risks. This thesis shows that based on the factors derived from the two scholarly sources, data on Ethiopia shows the presence of these factors, which indicate a risk for a possible future debt trap.Show less
The question of the negative Chinese impact in African countries needs to be discussed in wider terms than positive or negative. Indeed, Chinese investment and behavior in Africa have been...Show moreThe question of the negative Chinese impact in African countries needs to be discussed in wider terms than positive or negative. Indeed, Chinese investment and behavior in Africa have been questioned, as for instance about the trade imbalance in China’s favor, its impact on domestic markets and industrialization process and also the impact of its high competitiveness, which are seen as hurting African economies. Chinese goods dumped in African countries are highly price-competitive manufactured goods, and most of African economies have an underdeveloped industrial sector, therefore limiting their development and the possibility to compete on their domestic market. International trade should be based on the establishment of an order of equality and not the one of exploitation. A first superficial glance on Sino Algerian relations might give a negative, or pessimistic view of the relationship, yet a deeper analysis and the incorporation of an understanding of the Algerian officials’ behavior will allow for a more nuanced approach of the relationship.Show less
Research master thesis | Asian Studies (research) (MA)
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Why was the Obama administration unable to lessen strategic distrust and tensions in the Sino-American trade relationship, despite its intent to build a constructive relationship with China under...Show moreWhy was the Obama administration unable to lessen strategic distrust and tensions in the Sino-American trade relationship, despite its intent to build a constructive relationship with China under the Pivot to Asia? The mistake of the administration, according to this academic work, was not the wish to cooperate and engage with China, but the problematic execution of its proclamations as a result of domestic politics. The Obama administration sent confusing and conflicting signals towards the Chinese government: while its official discourse primarily emphasised cooperation and engagement, domestic resistance pushed the policymaking process towards implementation of foreign policy that suggested intentions of containment. The Obama administration seemed unable or unwilling to follow through on its words, leading to a discrepancy between the stated aims and the concrete results of the Pivot to Asia initiative. As a result, the United States failed to convince Chinese sceptics that it genuinely wanted to cooperate, and that it did not have nefarious hegemonic aspirations. Thus, ultimately, the failure to gather domestic support for engagement with China rendered the Obama administration unable to reduce strategic distrust in the Sino-American relationship.Show less
China’s rise came with relatively modest objectives compared to their weight; they have not been trying to rule the Asia-Pacific let alone the world. Recently, however, Beijing has started to more...Show moreChina’s rise came with relatively modest objectives compared to their weight; they have not been trying to rule the Asia-Pacific let alone the world. Recently, however, Beijing has started to more pro-actively claim their space in the international community, best exemplified by their establishment of the Asian Infrastructure and Investment Bank (AIIB) in 2013. This multilateral development bank is part of China’s “great power diplomacy“ efforts launched by Xi Jinping, a bank of which the ideological and political motivations remain unclear and are speculated upon among media and within academic circles. Hence this paper’s focus on the question “why did China establish the AIIB and what motivations have informed its creation?”. Using the Neo-Gramscian critical theory of hegemony for international relations, this paper focuses on ideas and ideological narratives that could have potentially informed the motivations behind the creation of the AIIB. The paper is a response to the predominantly realist and liberal institutionalist literature on China’s rise, and aims to go beyond the self-affirming nature of state-centric analysis. The literature review is structured around three central topics: China’s rise and internationalization, its engagement with institutions and multilateralism, and the establishment of the AIIB. Following the literature review, the case study investigates a possible interrelation between China’s historical political traditions, Xi’s recent ambitions in global governance, and the motivations behind the creation of the AIIB. The paper argues that the creation of the AIIB is informed by a number of motivations that are beyond its official narrative, namely that the bank 1) redistributes the industrial overcapacity of China’s core industries; 2) helps maintain economic growth by opening up new markets, or as an 3) alternative institution in response to a failing global governance system. Most importantly, 4) the AIIB is argued to potentially function as a transnational mechanism to extend China’s domestic social relations in the form of ideas, norms, and values on a diplomatic, economic, and cultural level through project engagement in member states. The AIIB’s motivations are therefore not merely informed by economic or institutional motives, but also by socially informed ideological debates that find their basis on all levels of Chinese society.Show less
Companies are organisations whose performance is influenced by the institutional environment. This environment is composed of several institutional elements, which impact the performance of...Show moreCompanies are organisations whose performance is influenced by the institutional environment. This environment is composed of several institutional elements, which impact the performance of businesses. The case study of this thesis compares the financial and operational performance of nine Indian and twenty-four Chinese airlines between 2010 and 2015. By means of a thorough and extensive data collection, it has been found that Indian airlines perform more on-time than their Chinese peers, whilst Chinese carriers tend to exhibit a more solid financial performance. The underlying causes for these outcomes are subsequently investigated through a newspaper review, which brought several institutional elements to the limelight, that can largely explicate the divergences in performance. The identified elements range from modes of decision making and legal elements to government affiliation and policy, which are analysed in detail.Show less
The unprecedented growth of the Chinese economy was mainly featured by rapidly augmenting exports, which were partly enabled by a beneficial currency valuation of China’s domestic currency, the...Show moreThe unprecedented growth of the Chinese economy was mainly featured by rapidly augmenting exports, which were partly enabled by a beneficial currency valuation of China’s domestic currency, the renminbi (RMB), during the turn of the 21st century. However, along with the liberalization of the Chinese market economy, especially after China’s entry into the World Trade Organization (WTO), agricultural producers were faced with increasing foreign competition as well as ceasing product protection. One question that arises is whether the currency undervaluation enabled the agricultural producers to maintain their competitiveness despite their abrupt confrontation with market exposure. Another question that arises is whether the currency undervaluation enabled the agricultural producers’ to increase their outputs, in light of the opportunities engendered by market liberalization. In other words, in this thesis, I will examine the extent to which agricultural producers benefited from the renminbi undervaluation during the turn of the 21st century.Show less
