In the US, it seems that the Right is associated with bad or incorrect language use. The Left, on the other hand, seems to be associated with prescribing language. According to Chapman (2012), in...Show moreIn the US, it seems that the Right is associated with bad or incorrect language use. The Left, on the other hand, seems to be associated with prescribing language. According to Chapman (2012), in the UK, Conservatives are often associated with prescriptivism because they are “bound up with issues of tradition and control” (p. 128). After creating a corpus of American and British English Facebook comments, I analysed the comments written by people who are anti-Trump, pro-Trump, anti-Brexit and pro-Brexit and found that overall the pro-Brexit and Trump group are more inclined to make linguistic mistakes and use non-standard English, whereas the anti-Trump and Brexit group is more likely to write prescriptive comments.Show less
This study researches the role of accountability in several late medieval middle Dutch texts. The thesis underlines the importance of cultural factors like religion and honor in the thinking about...Show moreThis study researches the role of accountability in several late medieval middle Dutch texts. The thesis underlines the importance of cultural factors like religion and honor in the thinking about accountability of medieval officials.Show less
The present thesis looks through popular women’s magazines published during the period of the Greek Junta (1967-1974) in order to answer the following question: "To what extent did popular women's...Show moreThe present thesis looks through popular women’s magazines published during the period of the Greek Junta (1967-1974) in order to answer the following question: "To what extent did popular women's magazines during the Greek Junta reflect the regime's ideology on gender roles?". The analysis is divided into three chapters regarding representations of the female body and sexuality, work and marriage, and politics respectively. The thesis also highlights the underlying tension between modernity and tradition in far-right ideologies and the way it is mirrored through women's representations in the magazines.Through the analysis, the thesis concludes that these magazines promoted a considerably more liberal view of womanhood than that expected and desired by the Junta for Greek women. It also points out that this liberal image of women was not necessarily opposed by the regime since it too promoted itself as liberal. Finally, the thesis demonstrates that this particular inconsistency between presentation and expectation reveals a gendered facet of the tension between traditionalism and modernization documented in the magazine pages of the Greek Junta.Show less
In dit onderzoek staat centraal hoe in 2017 op Twitter de ongeloofwaardigheid van de media, in de context van de MH17-ramp, discursief werd geconstrueerd. Daarbij is gebruik gemaakt van Luhmanns...Show moreIn dit onderzoek staat centraal hoe in 2017 op Twitter de ongeloofwaardigheid van de media, in de context van de MH17-ramp, discursief werd geconstrueerd. Daarbij is gebruik gemaakt van Luhmanns theorie over ver- en wantrouwen als middel om de complexiteit van de wereld te verminderen. De onderzoeksvraag is beantwoord middels een op Foucault geïnspireerde discoursanalyse waarbij gebruik is gemaakt van 415 tweets die uitingen van wantrouwen en mediascepticisme bevatten. Data is verzameld via Obi4Wan. Uit de 415 tweets zijn drie discursieve thema’s gedistilleerd, waarvan het dominante thema ‘mainstream media als propaganda-instrument’ nader is onderzocht. De perceptie van accounts is dat media ingezet wordt, of zichzelf inzetten, als propaganda-instrument voor de overheid. Media zouden niet geloofwaardig zijn omdat zij niet onafhankelijk zijn; zij misbruiken hun macht om de publieke opinie te sturen met misleidende informatie. Door alternatieve media te vertrouwen en gevestigde media te wantrouwen, wordt regulier nieuws door accounts afgestoten. Dit afstoten is een actieve keuze en zorgt voor complexiteitsreductie omdat andere keuzes en opties worden ontweken. De hoofdvraag laat zich niet kort en bondig beantwoorden omdat de ongeloofwaardigheid van de media in de context van de MH17-ramp op meerdere manieren discursief wordt geconstrueerd. Via discours wordt gedistantieerd van de ‘leugens’ van de media waardoor de accounts dichterbij hun eigen ervaren werkelijkheid blijven. Mogelijkheden voor vervolgonderzoek worden genoemd. Show less
The alteration of representation in young readers’ editions of Nathaniel Philbrick's "In the Heart of the Sea" and Mary Lee Shetterly's "Hidden Figures".
This thesis set out to determine the way in which the state-controlled media of the separatist-held territory of Donetsk in Eastern Ukraine have framed the separatist narrative. This is done...Show moreThis thesis set out to determine the way in which the state-controlled media of the separatist-held territory of Donetsk in Eastern Ukraine have framed the separatist narrative. This is done through a framing analysis of a selection of articles that were chosen and sampled according four different time-frames over the years 2017 and 2018. These periods correspond to events that led to heightened tensions in the conflict between Ukraine and DPR, namely: ‘the battle of Avdiivka’, ‘the economic blockade’, ‘the death of Zakharchenko’ and the ‘Kerch Strait incident’. Six frames were inductively reconstructed and grouped into three categories according to their relation with Ukraine, DPR and Russia. With regards to Ukraine the following frames were found: Ukraine as an aggressor’; ‘Ukraine as a disruptor’; ‘weakness and incompetence of Ukraine’. Frames related to DPR consisted in ‘legitimacy of DPR’ and ‘DPR citizens as victims’. Lastly, the frame that emerged in relation with Russia was ‘Russia as a mediator’. The findings of this study suggest state-controlled DNR-News has framed the separatist narrative with the help of two dominant approaches. One that is inclusive of Russia by representing it as an actor primarily responsible for ensuring DPR’s continuous existence and the success of its separatist ambitions. In a different approach, DPR’s independence is marked as a significant goal even though Russia has not yet recognised its independence and it does so by claiming the right to self-determination. There is thus an attempt at finding a right balance between the two and in turn, render the fight for the separatist cause more plausible.Show less
Er zijn talloze dingen die men met een lijk kan doen. Hoewel de moderne keuze die Nederlanders hebben tussen crematie en begraven nu een vanzelfsprekende keuze lijkt, is dit nog geen honderd jaar...Show moreEr zijn talloze dingen die men met een lijk kan doen. Hoewel de moderne keuze die Nederlanders hebben tussen crematie en begraven nu een vanzelfsprekende keuze lijkt, is dit nog geen honderd jaar het geval. Aan het eind van de 19e eeuw en in het interbellum werd er een fikse politieke strijd gevoerd voor de legalisering van crematie. Een groep die een grote rol speelde in die strijd maar doorgaans onderbelicht is gebleven in de historiografie waren de socialisten. Dit onderzoek streeft ernaar de rol van deze socialisten bij het legaliseren van crematie te belichten. Dit is bekeken door de vragen: Wie wilden er cremeren? Hoe kwam men in aanraking met crematie? en Wele argumenten werden aangehaald?Show less
A closer look at three case studies in which genderfluidity within 2D animation is portrayed and drawn outside the conventional gender binary. Case studies include Steven Universe, Toph Beifong,...Show moreA closer look at three case studies in which genderfluidity within 2D animation is portrayed and drawn outside the conventional gender binary. Case studies include Steven Universe, Toph Beifong, and Jiro Ghianni's non-gendered shapes.Show less
Bachelor thesis | Nederlandse taal en cultuur (BA)
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De laatste tijd klinkt de roep om een meer politieke lezing van literatuur uit de patriottentijd. Leemans en Johannes stellen dat het moeilijk voorstelbaar is dat het sentimentalistische proza...Show moreDe laatste tijd klinkt de roep om een meer politieke lezing van literatuur uit de patriottentijd. Leemans en Johannes stellen dat het moeilijk voorstelbaar is dat het sentimentalistische proza amper maatschappelijke of politieke lading in zich draagt en ‘de politieke rafelranden van de Duitse Sturm en Drangliteratuur in Nederland netjes [zouden] zijn verwijderd’. Hoewel zij de donder noemen als mogelijke aanwijzing, werken zij hun twijfel echter nauwelijks verder uit. Ook Nieuwenhuis stelt dat door het indringende gebruik van taal voor politieke intenties, er eigenlijk geen ‘onbesmette’ teksten in deze jaren bestonden. Vaak was de politieke strekking onmiskenbaar, maar deze kon ook impliciet zijn. Voortbouwend op deze gedachtegang is in dit bachelorwerkstuk onderzocht of de sentimentalistische briefromans van Rhijnvis Feith politiek te lezen zijn als zij intertekstueel in verband gebracht met de politieke filosofie van Jean-Jacques Rousseau.Show less
At the time of writing (June 2019), the European Union officially hosts another “sick man”. The European Commission has in fact recently encouraged Italy to reconsider its economic policy in the...Show moreAt the time of writing (June 2019), the European Union officially hosts another “sick man”. The European Commission has in fact recently encouraged Italy to reconsider its economic policy in the light of a forecasted unsustainable (according to the European Commission) rise in the country’s budgetary deficit. Italy has so far been relatively used to politically challenging the European Commission when it comes to its choices in the field of macroeconomic policy. Nevertheless, the ease and the degree with which Neoliberalism (here meant as a Washington Consensus-based disciplinary ideology aiming at limiting the degree of politicization of the economic realm and the choices of states when it comes to their macroeconomic policies ) remains dominant at the EU level poses a question: Is the European Union inherently neoliberal or demand-led growth models are still possible? The reasons why finding an answer to this question is in our interest is grounded in the proliferation of radical political responses in several European countries (including Italy, Greece and - to a lesser degree - France) partly coming as a consequence of their stagnating (whilst not declining) economies. On one hand the European Union’s economy in the last few years has been keeping up to its self-set standards, on the other hand some countries appear to be far from catching up with the top-performers despite having structurally adjusted their economies to the taste of the neoliberal narrative. More importantly, the implementation of neoliberal policies has mostly been done at the expense of the existing welfare states, organized labor and national economic independence. Although the aforementioned growth of populist parties has yet to translate into those states actually taking real steps towards exiting the EU, the macroeconomic powerlessness of these countries seems doomed to persist, and so does the growth of radical parties and/or ideas. In this thesis I am going to argue that the EU is not an inherently neoliberal project of economic integration but it will be argued that the European political economy under the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) entails a clear neoliberal bias which prevents the EU and its member states from pursuing alternative paths. Furthermore, it will be argued that as it is currently structured, the EMU constitutes an hinderance to growth and employment in the continent as it systematically prevents the formation of adequate levels of aggregate demand.Show less
A bachelor thesis on how the fame of British fieldmarshal Bernard Montgomery negatively affected Anglo-American relations during the later part of the Second World War with special attention on the...Show moreA bachelor thesis on how the fame of British fieldmarshal Bernard Montgomery negatively affected Anglo-American relations during the later part of the Second World War with special attention on the role that was played by British journalists.Show less
Na de Oktoberrevolutie van 1917 was het onduidelijk of het CUC (een soort parlement) of de Raad van Volkscommissarissen (het kabinet) de hoogste macht had. Deze scriptie onderzoekt waarom de leden...Show moreNa de Oktoberrevolutie van 1917 was het onduidelijk of het CUC (een soort parlement) of de Raad van Volkscommissarissen (het kabinet) de hoogste macht had. Deze scriptie onderzoekt waarom de leden van het CUC er niet in slaagden om hun formele machtspositie te verdedigen.Show less
This Perceptual Dialectology study of three dialects spoken in the South of Noord-Brabant in the Netherlands (Roosendaals, Oudenbosch, and Ruchpens) explored to what degree people from these towns...Show moreThis Perceptual Dialectology study of three dialects spoken in the South of Noord-Brabant in the Netherlands (Roosendaals, Oudenbosch, and Ruchpens) explored to what degree people from these towns are aware of the dialect features that make up their dialect, what these dialect features are and if these people are aware of the differences and similarities between their own dialect and that of the other two towns. The participants were thirty dialect speakers who are born, raised and still residential in one of the three studied towns. Interviews were held with these participants in which they were asked about their views on and knowledge about their own dialect and that of the two other towns. From these interviews it has become clear that, although Roosendaals, Oudenbosch and Rucphens have similarities, they do differ from each other on a lexical and a phonetic level. Most importantly, the results suggest that one’s level of sociophonetic awareness of their dialect relates to what degree they are capable of speaking Standard Dutch.Show less
De twee taken van de Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación lijken met elkaar in conflict. Is dit echt zo? Of zijn de taken goed te combineren? Dit wordt behandeld met betrekkeing tot de Quechua...Show moreDe twee taken van de Comisión de la Verdad y Reconciliación lijken met elkaar in conflict. Is dit echt zo? Of zijn de taken goed te combineren? Dit wordt behandeld met betrekkeing tot de Quechua minderheid in Peru. Deze minderheid was in grote getale aanwezig in het gebied waar de burgeroorlog werd uitgevochten. Ongeveer 80% van de slachtoffers viel onder deze minderheid.Show less
