The Eurozone crisis is an example of how democratic regimes can be threatened under emergencies, and it revealed two contributing phenomena – the state of exception and technocracy. This thesis...Show moreThe Eurozone crisis is an example of how democratic regimes can be threatened under emergencies, and it revealed two contributing phenomena – the state of exception and technocracy. This thesis aims to understand the link between the two in the context of emergency politics, through the paradox of politics. This paradox, which can be traced back to Rousseau, brings to light an aporia in democratic politics, where we need good citizens to make good laws and good laws to make good citizens. This thesis starts by analysing each phenomenon individually and the way they threaten democracy. It then interprets them through the paradox of politics as arrangements meant to resolve that paradox, but infringing upon the ideal of democracy it subscribes to (inspired by the analysis of political theorist Bonnie Honig). Finally, it analyses the link between them and the potentials for the democratization of emergency politics. The main conclusions are 1) in emergency politics, technocracy and exception display a link of mutual reinforcement that infringes upon democratic politics (empirically and conceptually), and 2) the democratization of emergency politics requires not only a deexceptionalization of emergency (as suggested by Honig), but also a process of detechnocratization of democracy.Show less
This thesis is an investigation into the ontological basis of pessimism. I develop a Nietzschean interpretive framework of pessimism, based on a distinction Nietzsche makes between two types of...Show moreThis thesis is an investigation into the ontological basis of pessimism. I develop a Nietzschean interpretive framework of pessimism, based on a distinction Nietzsche makes between two types of pessimism in The Gay Science 370: romantic and Dionysian pessimism. According to Nietzsche, this distinction is based on a dynamic articulated using the language of physiology. This dynamic is either expanding or degenerating. The thesis relates this distinction to Schopenhauer's and Nietzsche's notions of a 'world of appearance' to test if their ontology testifies to a romantic or Dionysian pessimism. Their ontologies are interpreted as either a transfiguration of romantic or Dionysian pessimism. I then develop a reading of Schopenhauer’s pessimistic philosophy. I argue that Schopenhauer’s notion of representation or appearance is central to his metaphysics. I then interpret his punctum pruriens of philosophy as a priori pessimism permeating the whole of Schopenhauer’s philosophy resulting in an ethics of renunciation. I then lay out Nietzsche’s critique of Schopenhauer in the Genealogy, based on the aforementioned physiological dynamic. In the last chapter, I investigate Nietzsche’s world of appearance, characterized as semblance or ‘Schein’. I relate this to Nietzsche’s aesthetics and art as a transfiguration of Dionysian pessimism. However, the question is whether Nietzsche’s philosophy itself is the transfiguration of Dionysian pessimism. I then explain how Nietzsche does this by means of a project of life affirmation through the notions of perspectivism and the will to power.Show less
How does the notion of the common good in Machiavelli's Prince and Discourses compare to the common good of classical political philosophy? It would seem that Machiavelli, as the harbinger of...Show moreHow does the notion of the common good in Machiavelli's Prince and Discourses compare to the common good of classical political philosophy? It would seem that Machiavelli, as the harbinger of modernity and amoral political 'machiavellianism', can leave no room for the common good in his thought. However, a close examination of The Prince and the Discourses on Livy will reveal that the common good is allotted an ambiguous place in Machiavelli's thinking. The author concludes that, whereas Machiavelli's Prince is a truly amoral work devoid of consideration for the common good, the Discourses on Livy show a unique mixture between 'machiavellian' themes and classical ideas about liberty, the mixed regime, and statesmanship in the common interest.Show less
