A partir de la segunda mitad del siglo XX los procesos de industrialización y modernización de la agricultura transformaron la ruralidad tradicional ecuatoriana. En este contexto, la...Show moreA partir de la segunda mitad del siglo XX los procesos de industrialización y modernización de la agricultura transformaron la ruralidad tradicional ecuatoriana. En este contexto, la marginalización del campesinado y de la población indígena se agudizó, persistiendo el problema de inseguridad alimentaria en el campo. Este estudio presenta un análisis crítico sobre el Programa del Buen Vivir Rural, estrategia alternativa a la política de desarrollo local derivado de los procesos de industrialización, y su capacidad para mejorar el acceso al alimento de la población rural de las provincias de Tungurahua, Chimborazo y Bolívar. El análisis se asienta sobre dos conceptos fundamentales de la política agraria ecuatoriana implementada a partir del 2008: la interculturalidad y la soberanía alimentaria.Show less
The thesis examines the successes and limitations of Evo Morales's alternative model of development called "Vivir Bien" and how the need for alternative development arose in the first place....Show moreThe thesis examines the successes and limitations of Evo Morales's alternative model of development called "Vivir Bien" and how the need for alternative development arose in the first place. Therefore, it expounds the country's trajectory towards dependence on the export of primary resources and the deteriorating effects that development models conceived in the global North and applied in the global South, particularly in Bolivia, had. Evo Morales assumed presidency in 2006 with the promise of overcoming the primary-resource-exports dependency and centering development around local needs, stressing indigenous knowledge and a communitarian lifestyle. His proposal is formulated in the so-called Plan Nacional de Desarrollo, which was issued in 2007. In order to overcome extractivism and raw materials exports, however, the Morales administration suggests to utilize the very extractivism to generate the capital needed to industrialize the extractive sectors and to later diversify the economy. However, the industrialization levels have not increased, and neither has the economy shown notable signs of diversification, on the contrary. As extractivism is a self-reinforcing activity, it does not weaken ties of dependency, does not improve the extracting country's position in the world economy or promote autonomy in the global capitalist system. Further on, extractivism under Morales has led to clashes with the population that Evo Morales supposedly caters to in particular - the indigenous and peasant communities. Therefore, extractivism is not suited to drive alternative development because it contradicts too strongly with a goal of development that takes into account local needs. In fact, it reinforces ties of dependency to the capitalist center and neglects the aspect of citizen participation in political processes.Show less
La presente investigación tiene como objetivo principal evaluar las dimensiones de la trata de personas en Colombia entre el periodo del año 2000 hasta el año 2018, haciendo énfasis en los factores...Show moreLa presente investigación tiene como objetivo principal evaluar las dimensiones de la trata de personas en Colombia entre el periodo del año 2000 hasta el año 2018, haciendo énfasis en los factores históricos y sociales que explican el desarrollo del fenómeno en el país, abordando, además, la intervención del gobierno central en sus esfuerzos por combatir el delito de la trata de personas en Colombia.Show less
Mexico's political history can be defined as relatively turbulent. The hegemonic rule of the dominant PRI party, has influenced Mexico by the distrustful attitude Mexicans continue to have against...Show moreMexico's political history can be defined as relatively turbulent. The hegemonic rule of the dominant PRI party, has influenced Mexico by the distrustful attitude Mexicans continue to have against the political party system. A crisis of political legitimacy and distrust prove to play a large role in the continuing discontent and the emergence of several social movements in Mexico. With the return of the PRI in 2012, one specific movement stood out to mobilize against president Peña Nieto, the #YoSoy132 movement. A lack of faith in the dominant PRI were based upon distrust in institutions, an unstable political system and many fraud allegations. This thesis examines the link between distrust and political legitimacy, and how these notions are connected to the emergence of the #YoSoy132 movement.Show less
In the pluricultural states of Ecuador and Bolivia, indigenous women suffer a notably higher maternal mortality rate than non-indigenous women. Several barriers impede indigenous women from...Show moreIn the pluricultural states of Ecuador and Bolivia, indigenous women suffer a notably higher maternal mortality rate than non-indigenous women. Several barriers impede indigenous women from accessing high-quality care, and cultural barriers hinder them from receiving culturally sensitive care. With the introduction of new universal social policies of intercultural healthcare, Ecuador and Bolivia attempt to provide a complementary healthcare system of traditional and western medicine, with one of its focus on maternal healthcare. With a quantitative and qualitative approach, this research explores that the implementation of intercultural healthcare can improve the health status of indigenous women.Show less
Latin America saw a substantial increase in the number of fatalities in environmental activism in 2017; the region considered the most dangerous place in the world for being an environmental...Show moreLatin America saw a substantial increase in the number of fatalities in environmental activism in 2017; the region considered the most dangerous place in the world for being an environmental defender. Nevertheless, there has been observed a significant increase in female involvement in environmentalism in the last few decades, with the emergence of women at the frontlines of environmental struggle. As the activists are female, the acts of violence exerted against them have often been of a gendered nature, underlining the complex vulnerability the activists are surrounded by in already dangerous circumstances. The thesis aims to identify factors reinforcing vulnerability in female participants of environmental activism, in order to establish a substantiated understanding of how the factors intersect and contribute to the vulnerable position of female environmental activists in contemporary Latin America.Show less
Through case study research centered on women as the subject, this thesis illustrates the complex questions arising between forced migration, state failure, criminal organizations, and gender-based...Show moreThrough case study research centered on women as the subject, this thesis illustrates the complex questions arising between forced migration, state failure, criminal organizations, and gender-based violence, aiming at providing an insight into the dynamics of female mobility through a gendered security analysis method. The research is focused on the two main perpetrators of violence against women, the state and the organized crime, which mutually activate each other, creating a complex landscape of analysis. Both socio-economic conditions, as well as the state of violence, are analyzed in order to draw a conclusion on the underlying aspects of female mobility from the region. The women are analyzed as independent females in NTCA societies as well as within their role as mothers.Show less
This study provides a critical analysis to the issue of malnutrition in Guatemala by looking at the constraints of national food security policy. Even though there are a number of programs and...Show moreThis study provides a critical analysis to the issue of malnutrition in Guatemala by looking at the constraints of national food security policy. Even though there are a number of programs and strategies designed to tackle malnutrition, it is found that they are often not implemented nor executed. This thesis suggests that this can be attributed to weak institutionalism, such as a lack of capacity, coherence and strength, present throughout multiple levels of the national food security and nutrition system (SINASAN). This research first analyses this problem from a historical perspective by examining the high levels of poverty and inequality which are deeply rooted into Guatemalan history and society. A state of food insecurity, a state in which malnutrition is more likely to emerge, is worsened when there is a lack of accessibility and availability to food resulting from income poverty and inequality. This directly implies that levels of malnutrition can only be reduced if poverty and inequality are also tackled. This complexity to the issue of malnutrition is, and will stay, an enormous obstacle for political institutions in creating sustainable and efficient food security programs and policies. Noticeably, weak institutionalism in Guatemala increases this barrier. Namely, a lack of continuity in government administrations leads to temporary and inconsistent food security strategies and excessive bureaucracy, a lack of coordination and structure withhold the proper implementation of food security projects from national level to local level. In other words, this study exposes that Guatemala finds itself in a vicious cycle which delays the reduction of malnutrition.Show less
Hugo Chavez Frías’ virulent discourse has until his death fed the appetite of media, politicians and academics. Mostly known for his social and anti-imperialist program as well as the success of...Show moreHugo Chavez Frías’ virulent discourse has until his death fed the appetite of media, politicians and academics. Mostly known for his social and anti-imperialist program as well as the success of his leftist movement across the Latin American region, the former Venezuelan President has also attracted attention with his denunciation of the Bush administration, the neoliberal system, and more generally the United States’ foreign policy. Publicly shaming the American government for the invasion, bombing, and killing of thousands of civilians in Afghanistan and Iraq at the 2006 United Nations Assembly, there were no doubts for the international community that Chavez’s anti-imperialist ideology had definitely shifted into an anti-American one following the 9/11 attacks and the launching of the War on Terror. That popular thinking was however challenged in the last decade by academics who passionately debated on the origins of Chavez’s anti-Americanism, some advocating a definite shift -yet unrelated to the events of 9/11, others defending the linearity of his discourse. For years, three theories have thus evolved around the figure of Hugo Chavez and the nature of his discourse. With the support of a strong theoretical framework, historical reflection and Political Discourse Analysis, this thesis ultimately aims to solve this discussion.Show less
The objective of this bachelor thesis was to explore how media affects and contributes to the process of democratization. The research described in this paper set to investigate the Mexican media...Show moreThe objective of this bachelor thesis was to explore how media affects and contributes to the process of democratization. The research described in this paper set to investigate the Mexican media and analyze how the Telecommunications and Broadcasting Law of 2013 has affected the media in the framework of media pluralism. Specifically, it focused on the socio-political dichotomies between commercial and independent community media. In the quest to explore this topic, this paper first analyzed the state-of-the-art literature on media pluralism and its importance to media structures. Next, it reflected on the realities of the political and media landscape in Mexico and studied the media reforms that historically have been unfavorable towards promoting media pluralism and continue to alienate all other media outlets by favoring the big media moguls.Show less
China has established an interconnected bond with Latin American ans Caribbean states, with a strong presence in macroeconomic policies and funding infrastructure. A partnership that goes beyond...Show moreChina has established an interconnected bond with Latin American ans Caribbean states, with a strong presence in macroeconomic policies and funding infrastructure. A partnership that goes beyond economic transactions, is the relationship with China and Latin America. Brazil being a large state, membership of the BRICS and having international exposure with the Global South and the Global; has offered them to be the perfect target for geopolitical strategy. By this China has taken advantage of this distinctive feature, as they slowly form a new Global hierarchy during the Pink Tide.Show less
While development literature generally understands NGOs as main catalysts for bottom-up and cost-effective development projects, feminist critiques of women’s NGOs generally argue that they...Show moreWhile development literature generally understands NGOs as main catalysts for bottom-up and cost-effective development projects, feminist critiques of women’s NGOs generally argue that they undermine the quest of social movements for a new social order as well as the very foundations of feminism. Critical feminist scholars believe that feminism has been mainstreamed into development agendas and therefore ‘NGOized’ (Jenkins 2011, Roy 2011, Pearce 2010). The term ‘NGOization’ which is commonly understood as the depoliticization, professionalization and institutionalization of movements for social change (Kamat 2004, Hemment 2007) has been widely discussed in recent critical development literature. A point largely dismissed by critical feminist scholars analyzing the severe implications for feminist movements is the need for relativization and contextualization. This thesis contributes to filling a gap in the academic literature by discussing the relevance of a feminist critique of the process of institutionalization and professionalization of feminism and women’s grassroots movements, while at the same time exploring the extent to which the concept of ‘NGOization’ only provides a partial understanding of the realities lived by feminist activists and women at the grass-roots and at the NGO level alike. In other words, this dissertation stresses the need to move beyond a one-sided understanding of the ‘NGOization’ concept that overemphasizes the negative impacts and effects of these developments. In order to do so, this thesis argues that feminist NGOs are best understood when their hybrid nature is taken into account. Hybridity means that they expand their sphere of influence both at the grassroots levels and in the institutional sphere. As such, NGOs need to be understood as “spaces for the exercise of power, both liberatory and oppressive” (Costa 2014, 172). Therefore, the following research question is explored: What are the opportunities and limitations of transforming women’s movements into women’s NGOs in Peru?Show less
Esta investigación busca evidenciar el rol de la identidad regional como un agente articulador de la actividad política por medio del análisis del movimiento social en contra del alza del gas en la...Show moreEsta investigación busca evidenciar el rol de la identidad regional como un agente articulador de la actividad política por medio del análisis del movimiento social en contra del alza del gas en la Región de Magallanes, Chile en 2011. Por medio del estudio del carácter histórico, geográfico y social de la identidad magallánica se dilucidan elementos que llevarían a un grupo social a presentar una actitud política reaccionaria en un escenario en el que las bases culturales e identitarias se ven amenazadas, aun en un contexto de apatía política generalizada en Chile.Show less
Research master thesis | Latin American Studies (research) (MA)
open access
The electoral victory new Mexican president Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) in 2018 meant a major change in the country, as it was the first time a candidate from the left won. However, as...Show moreThe electoral victory new Mexican president Andrés Manuel López Obrador (AMLO) in 2018 meant a major change in the country, as it was the first time a candidate from the left won. However, as statistical data show, president AMLO has a big task ahead of him, as homicide rates and violence within the country are spiraling. This research analyzes the characteristics of the use of violence within Mexico, and how this has impacted the state’s legitimacy during the previous two presidential terms, hereby going beyond the ‘failed state’ debate and putting Max Weber’s theory on the monopoly on violence into perspective (Weber 1978). It argues that organized crime, principally the Mexican drug-trafficking organizations (DTOs), are the main actor challenging the state’s legitimacy and that the two are connected in an uneasy equilibrium that has changed in nature over time. The analysis concludes that there are three principal actors through which the dynamics of violence and state legitimacy interact: the Mexican government, the DTOs and Mexican civil society and that this interplay had led to a capacity, security and legitimacy gap. It further argues that there are different types of legitimacy in Mexico: judicial, economic and social/cultural, meaning that although the Mexican president in theory is the legitimate authority of the country, in practice this is a whole other story.Show less
