Josephus (‘Jef’) Carel Franciscus Last (1898-1972) was a Dutch leftist writer, polyglot, and Spanish Civil War volunteer. Though he never became an influential name in Dutch literature in the same...Show moreJosephus (‘Jef’) Carel Franciscus Last (1898-1972) was a Dutch leftist writer, polyglot, and Spanish Civil War volunteer. Though he never became an influential name in Dutch literature in the same way some of his contemporaries managed to, he did maintain several high-profile intellectual friendships across Europe and the Dutch East Indies. He was moreover one of the most dynamic leftists from the Netherlands during the 1930s, travelling to many different countries, as well as constantly developing his precise political allegiances, often leading him to joining new political movements and organisations. This MA thesis is concerned with how this development of his political allegiance precisely materialised, and whether his experiences in the Spanish Civil War definitively cemented his disillusionment with communism towards the late 1930s.Show less
This thesis explores the debate around the application of the law on the separation of Church and State of 1905 from France in Colonial Algeria from 1890 to 1914. The unique status of Algeria made...Show moreThis thesis explores the debate around the application of the law on the separation of Church and State of 1905 from France in Colonial Algeria from 1890 to 1914. The unique status of Algeria made it so that it was legally part of France, the three départements of Oran, Alger and Constantine were all counted as French départements. Thus it seemed logical that law would be applied in Algeria as there would be no exceptions to any French territory at the time from the law. The application of the law in Algeria nevertheless sparked controversy as the context in which the law would operate was not the same as in France. The presence of an indigenous Muslim population and the dependency of the local Catholic Church on state subsidies raised concerns whether applying the law in Algeria was wise. The French administration in Algeria had also created a special form of hierarchised and centralised Islam with which the laic state could interact with and control. This was achieved through the control of the medersas, by censoring what was taught in these and the fatwas issued by the ulamas, and the recruitment of imams, ulamas and muftis which were proven to be apolitical and loyal to the French state. The Catholic Church in Algeria also served as an assimilative institution as many non-French European immigrants, from Catholic Countries such as Italy, Spain, Malta and Poland, came to Algeria. The application of the law in Algeria would on paper force the French authorities to give up the control they exerted over the unique form of Islam they had created in Algeria, but also give up the unofficial partnership with the Algerian Church with whom the colonial administration cooperated. The debate that originated in France and opposed Catholics and republicans made its way to Algeria and opposed these two ideological camps. What this thesis attempts to do through the analysis of newspaper articles, is to understand what the public opinion on this issue was in Algeria, to bring a nuanced perspective on the debate by highlighting differences within these two ideological camps, and differently from the scholarly literature adopt an approach not based on institutional archives.Show less
In order to come to a new understanding of Austrian and even Central European history, this thesis questions the notion of 1918 as a watershed moment through an analysis of Linz’s festive culture...Show moreIn order to come to a new understanding of Austrian and even Central European history, this thesis questions the notion of 1918 as a watershed moment through an analysis of Linz’s festive culture in the period 1908-1928. This thesis illustrates the existence of a wide array of continuities in three layers of territorial identification – local, regional, and national – inherent in the city’s festive culture and divides this process into three categories: community building, ascribed commonalities, and feelings of belonging. The interaction between layers of identification provided a sustainable foundation for identity, which could overcome major upheavals like the First World War and the fall of the Habsburg Empire. In addition to interpreting these layers as nested identities, this thesis explores the importance of rhythms as a source for continuity in daily life. Preserving traditions and customs in practices often outweighed other considerations, such as displaying political views, in organizing local festivities. The repetition of a set of practices transcended party lines and shows that Social Democrats, Christian Socials, and German Nationalists all valued the use of these practices, albeit using them to create different territorially bounded narratives. Finally, this thesis argues that an overemphasis on capitals and crises in historiography has created a distorted view of this period and, consequently, advocates a new focus on localities, regions and stability.Show less
By the late nineteenth century, art history was immersed in the construction of national identities in Europe. Museums and exhibitions were vital players in communicating these identities at home...Show moreBy the late nineteenth century, art history was immersed in the construction of national identities in Europe. Museums and exhibitions were vital players in communicating these identities at home and abroad. Art historians increasingly appropriated painters and sculptors for their own countries as artists and their creations added significantly to a country’s prestige and increased cultural influence on the world stage – known in France as rayonnement culturel. Michela Passini’s magisterial La Fabrique de l’Art National (2013) focussed no longer only on politics and art but on the interaction of politics and art historiography instead. Since then there is a growing interest in the impact of nationalistic politics on the formal and institutional evolution of French art history from the mid-nineteenth to the early twentieth century. The historiographical research of Passini and other scholars reflects the fact that art historians at that time were predominantly interested in art of the Renaissance and the Middle Ages. The understanding of the process of what could be called ‘nationalisation of modernist art’ in France, however, has not yet benefitted thoroughly from this shift towards art historiography. Traditionally, the period has either been analysed from the perspective of another Querelle des Anciens et des Modernes or seen through the lens of xenophobic sentiment towards Jewish and foreign modernist in the aftermath of the Dreyfus-Affair. This thesis focuses on ‘Maîtres de l’Art Indépendant’, an encyclopaedic exhibition organized at Paris’ Petit Palais to coincide with the world fair of 1937. It was the first officially endorsed retrospective of French modernism and included Cubism and Fauvism which had previously been conspicuously absent from most museums in the capital. My study aims to demonstrate that the decision to promote French modernism in 1937 was steeped in very similar nationalist priorities as those held by a previous generation of art historians investigated by Passini and others.Show less
In dit onderzoek is de rol van muziek in de Joegoslavische Burgeroorlog onderzocht. Dit is onderzocht aan de hand van een tekstuele analyse van verschillende Kroatische en Servische liederen die...Show moreIn dit onderzoek is de rol van muziek in de Joegoslavische Burgeroorlog onderzocht. Dit is onderzocht aan de hand van een tekstuele analyse van verschillende Kroatische en Servische liederen die tijdens de oorlog zijn uitgebracht. Ook zijn de visuele aspecten van de liederen, zoals de videoclip, in dit onderzoek meegenomen. In dit onderzoek licht de nadruk vooral op de natievormende rol van deze muziek.Show less
The focus of this thesis is on the role of the Dutch national identity in the perceptions and experiences of a wide array of Dutch Spainfighters, who volunteered to fight on the Republican side in...Show moreThe focus of this thesis is on the role of the Dutch national identity in the perceptions and experiences of a wide array of Dutch Spainfighters, who volunteered to fight on the Republican side in the Spanish Civil War in the 1930s. It aims to understand how the volunteers dealt with the potential for clashes between the imagined communities of the Dutch nation-state and the border transcending, transnational appeal of their left-wing ideology. This thesis demonstrates that they felt loyalty both to the transnational community of left-wing and communist sympathizers, and the national Dutch community. It argues that the motivation of the Spainfighters is closely linked to their national identity, which they tried to construct in symbiosis with their transnational thoughts via the message of anti-fascism. As such, the thesis adds to the understanding of the phenomenon of foreign fighters. Next to the conscious building of national identity, national sentiments and practical culture played a considerable role in the daily reality of the Spainfighters, which is especially relevant if the rather mythical image of the International Brigades as a classic example of a transnational army is taken into account. As the case of the Dutch Spainfighters illustrates, the International Brigades provided space and even recognition for national identity as an organizing entity and as such functioned more as an ideologically motivated international army. For this reason, this thesis suggests that the fundaments of the supposedly transnational movement of support to the Spanish Republic may partly be built on national tensions and the resulting compromises. While studying transnational movements in the twentieth century, it therefore may be worth the effort to analyze the role of national identity, of national political culture.Show less
For several decades in the twentieth century, the order of Friars Minor Capuchin was entrusted with the responsibility of overseeing and administrating Colombia's public education system. This...Show moreFor several decades in the twentieth century, the order of Friars Minor Capuchin was entrusted with the responsibility of overseeing and administrating Colombia's public education system. This thesis assesses their role as a nationalizing agent in the Colombian Amazon on the border with Brazil and Peru.Show less
Deze scriptie werpt licht op de zoektocht naar een nieuwe Andalusische identiteit van de culturele regionalisten achter het tijdschrift Bética, dat gelieerd was aan El Ateneo de Sevilla.
Een onderzoek naar de weergave van de taalverordening voor Bohemen van 1897. Kijkende naar de liberale pers, vooral de Neue Freie Presse en de Bohemia, om te zien welke argumenten gepresenteerd...Show moreEen onderzoek naar de weergave van de taalverordening voor Bohemen van 1897. Kijkende naar de liberale pers, vooral de Neue Freie Presse en de Bohemia, om te zien welke argumenten gepresenteerd werden tegen de taalverordening. Hieruit bleek dat de bestaande literatuur een lichtelijk verkleurd beeld heeft omtrent de Duitse argumenten tegen de taalverordening.Show less
The biggest issue for Podemos and its Latin American connection, is their link to Venezuela. Many Spaniards, in particular conservative sympathisers, feel uneasiness towards the Latin American...Show moreThe biggest issue for Podemos and its Latin American connection, is their link to Venezuela. Many Spaniards, in particular conservative sympathisers, feel uneasiness towards the Latin American country because they consider it to be a radical dictatorship, in part because it has been presented in this way by the Spanish media. Podemos knows that any link to Venezuela will immensely damage the image the electorate have of it, thus preventing Podemos from appealing to the majority of Spaniards. It is this paper's objective to investigate and assess the extent to which Podemos and its leaders see the leftist populist regimes in Latin America as an inspiring example. To find out what exactly Podemos likes and dislikes about these Latin American countries, their leaders and the policies that have made them so popular. Is Podemos bringing twenty-first-century socialism to Spain? Does it plan on implementing similar policies? Is it copying the discourses used by Correa, Morales, Chávez and Maduro? What is the connection between Latin America and Podemos?Show less
