European monetary integration has come a long way since the establishment of the Rome Treaty in 1957. Subject to this paper is the influence of the German unification on the establishment of EMU....Show moreEuropean monetary integration has come a long way since the establishment of the Rome Treaty in 1957. Subject to this paper is the influence of the German unification on the establishment of EMU. Key-literature on the subject varies a great deal in perspective. Some claim that EMU is the direct result of national political-economic preferences, while others argue that without the prospect of German unification there would have been no such thing as a European monetary union. Most authors seem determined in taking one particular point of view, favoring either national political-economic or geopolitical preferences. On the basis of two hypotheses, a study of key-scientific publications (Moravcsik, 1998; Staal, 1999; Baun, 1995 and Sandholtz, 1993) and a situational analysis involving the EMS period, the EMU negotiation process and the period after Maastricht, this paper discusses the probability if the negotiations on EMU would have reached a deadlock without the prospect of German unification or if EMU would have been established also without this prospect, while it was a direct result of Franco-German national political-economic considerations.Show less
The structural inequalities of the world-system and a neoliberal system of academic capitalism allow core states to attract students from peripheral states, thereby perpetuating their dominance...Show moreThe structural inequalities of the world-system and a neoliberal system of academic capitalism allow core states to attract students from peripheral states, thereby perpetuating their dominance over them through corresponding brain gain and drain. While international student mobility (ISM) within the global knowledge economy has remained largely on the fringes of academic debate, human capital movement from periphery to core has traditionally been viewed as a contributor to brain drain in peripheral states. Neoliberal scholars have recently countered the idea of brain drain with ‘brain circulation’ and claims of a mutually beneficial relationship between core student-receiving states and peripheral student-sending states (especially in terms of development). Guided by a world-systems theory approach, this paper tests such claims in the context of ISM to the United States (US), which hosts more international students than any other. It finds reasons to suggest that the idea of periphery brain circulation, while conveniently compatible with the motives of neoliberal ISM-promoters, does not reflect reality. Furthermore, it calls for the reconceptualization of the terms brain drain and brain circulation, concluding that the former refers to the effect of ISM in peripheral states, whereas the latter refers to that in core states.Show less
This thesis explains the arms export control in EU Member States after the establishment of the European Code of Conduct (ECC)’s criteria, where the need to protect human rights is incorporated as...Show moreThis thesis explains the arms export control in EU Member States after the establishment of the European Code of Conduct (ECC)’s criteria, where the need to protect human rights is incorporated as one of its criteria. This thesis shows that, although EU Member States should only control their arms exports using the ECC’s criteria, the result of the controls on the exports of arms to third countries considered as human rights perpetrators in different Member States is not harmonized. This is because national parliament of each EU Member State might approve the exports of arms in their countries based on different reasons. Parliaments in the Member States that have more respect to human rights, like the Netherlands, can prevent their governments from granting the permits to the exports that carry risk of violation of human rights. The parliaments in the Member States that have less respect on human rights can still allow their governments to grant the permit for such exports because for them export revenues and bilateral relationship might be more important than human rights. This thesis shows that the national parliaments can control the exports of arms in their countries and prevent their governments from granting the permits to the exports that do not satisfy their wishes.Show less
In this thesis the connectedness of Hamas and Hezbollah before and especially since the Syrian War is analyzed. In order to generate an insider perspective, a discourse analysis of publications on...Show moreIn this thesis the connectedness of Hamas and Hezbollah before and especially since the Syrian War is analyzed. In order to generate an insider perspective, a discourse analysis of publications on the two movements' official websites was carried out.Show less
The year 2014 was the year when a slowly simmering conflict between the West and Russia dramatically escalated. This conflict has been framed as a return to the hostilities of the Cold War; however...Show moreThe year 2014 was the year when a slowly simmering conflict between the West and Russia dramatically escalated. This conflict has been framed as a return to the hostilities of the Cold War; however the conflict has much older roots that pre-date the Soviet regime (1917-1991) by centuries. The relationship between Russia and its European rivals has been one of antagonism and grudging cooperation since the eighteenth century. Yet, it is not Russia’s historical foreign relations that are the focus of this study, but Russia’s current ambitions and the weapon it uses to undermine its Western rivals, namely encouraging the growth of nationalism and the far right in Europe, while Russia pursues an Eurasionist project with former Soviet states. Within the European Union anti-Western nationalism driven by the radical right and Russian influence is most visible in France, Hungary and Greece. This paper will analyse the extent and motivations of this relationship and how this relates to Russia’s Eurasian geopolitics.Show less
The thesis elaborates upon the political and legal feasibility of processing asylum applications in offshore centres operated by EU member states; this shall promote legal and safe migration of...Show moreThe thesis elaborates upon the political and legal feasibility of processing asylum applications in offshore centres operated by EU member states; this shall promote legal and safe migration of asylum seekers into the European Union. The legal feasibility is determined by member states´ ability to safeguard provisions under the 1951 Geneva Convention and the European Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms. The key condition for the legal feasibility of offshore asylum processing is the ability to safeguard the principle of non-refoulement. Features of member states´ initiatives for offshore processing as well as those of the operational Australian asylum system are analyzed, and their incompatibility with this principle is confirmed. Ability to fully safeguard against refoulement extra-territorially is further discussed. By analyzing the situation within the territorial Common European Asylum System, the political feasibility for creating an effective and legally feasible extra-territorial asylum procedure is assessed; this involves resettlement of confirmed refugees into the EU and readmission of failed asylum seekers. It is concluded that offshore processing of asylum applications is politically and legally unfeasible at this stage; it would require pooling of national sovereignty much beyond the extent that it now politically feasible – also, member states firstly have to address current deficiencies of the territorial asylum system.Show less
Recently, there has been increasing debate in politics and media about the influence of Russia on Finnish politics due to an increased military presence of Russia in the Baltic area and a more...Show moreRecently, there has been increasing debate in politics and media about the influence of Russia on Finnish politics due to an increased military presence of Russia in the Baltic area and a more aggressive attitude related to the crisis in Ukraine. Around the same time the party leader of the Finnish political party Vihreät (henceforward 'The Greens') Ville Niinistö mentioned the Cold War-related word 'finlandisation' in relation to the setting up of a nuclear power plant in the Finnish town Pyhäjoki, leading to a clash between his party and the rest of government, especially Prime Minister Alexander Stubb. This third nuclear power plant in Finland will be set up as a project of the Finnish Fennovoima, but 34% will be owned by Rusatom Overseas, which is a daughter company of the Russian state-owned Rosatom.Show less
This thesis seeks to gain insight in the current state of Russo-Ukrainian gas relations by focusing on how both sides have perceived their mutual gas trade during the 2014 conflict in Eastern...Show moreThis thesis seeks to gain insight in the current state of Russo-Ukrainian gas relations by focusing on how both sides have perceived their mutual gas trade during the 2014 conflict in Eastern Ukraine. Specifically, it looks into the recent changes in Russia’s energy policies towards Ukraine, most notably the increase in gas prices and the termination of discounts, that have led to a gas dispute between the two parties. In order to do so, a discourse analysis is conducted on speeches, interviews and other documents like news updates and transcripts of official visits that were issued by the Russian and Ukrainian governments. The results of this thesis show that different actors can have a significantly different perception of certain events, depending on the ways in which they ascribe meaning to them. It is shown that while the Russian official discourse surrounding the 2014 gas dispute has a strong commercial focus, presenting legal and economic arguments to justify Russia’s actions, the Ukrainian discourse frames it as an issue of politics and national security, perceiving it as part of the broader military conflict between the two states.Show less
This Thesis focuses on the regional effects of the Saudi regional foreign policy in reaction to the Arab Spring. Establishing the legitimacy of the Saudi regime in the transnational Wahhabi Sunni...Show moreThis Thesis focuses on the regional effects of the Saudi regional foreign policy in reaction to the Arab Spring. Establishing the legitimacy of the Saudi regime in the transnational Wahhabi Sunni Islam, the Arab Spring is viewed as an ideological and existential threat to the regime in Riyadh. On the other hand, the transnational character of the regime’s legitimacy contains the important connection between its survival and its regional foreign policy. These theoretical assumptions justify the Thesis’ focus on the sectarian dimension of the Saudi policies’ effects. As the research shows, continuously blaming Iran for the protests in Bahrain, Egypt, Kuwait, Yemen or Syria and, simultaneously, portraying these protests as a “Shi’a revival”, has reinforced Saudi and regional identification of Iran with Shi’a Muslims’ struggles. Consequentially, Saudi policies have inevitably facilitated the determination of any struggle mainly involving Shi’a, regardless of any sectarian dimension in its nature, as exclusively based on religion and, therefore, unquestionably supported by Iran. In this sense, as well, Saudi actions have determinately layered Middle Eastern conflicts after the Arab Spring with an increasing sectarian tone.Show less
This thesis focuses on the world’s largest greenhouse gas (GHG) emitter China and examines the dynamics between international norms and domestic politics. Specifically, this paper attempts to prove...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the world’s largest greenhouse gas (GHG) emitter China and examines the dynamics between international norms and domestic politics. Specifically, this paper attempts to prove that China’s position on climate change is evolving. As climate change fits in the environmental protection and economic development nexus, national interest is the basic motivation for China to participate in climate governance from a positivist perspective. But it is important to keep in mind that the international system is constructed by material as well as ideas. The EU is a leadership in global climate governance; consequently this thesis also argues that the EU as a normative power has driven diffusion of norms, and partially influenced China’s position on climate change.Show less
Global Health Diplomacy is essentially the relationship between global health and foreign policy in terms of International Relations theory. Health has not typically been at the fore front of world...Show moreGlobal Health Diplomacy is essentially the relationship between global health and foreign policy in terms of International Relations theory. Health has not typically been at the fore front of world politics, but this is rapidly changing due the emerging importance of soft power foreign policy. Joseph Nye tells us that soft power is produced through values, institutions, attraction and culture and in contrast to this; hard power is essentially defined by the use of military power and economic resources. Many small or medium sized countries will never be able to match the hard power capabilities of the likes of the United States or China but they can utilise their soft power potential in a variety of ways. This thesis intends to assess one; Global Health Diplomacy.Show less
