The Syrian civil war has been one of the most protracted and severe conflicts in the Middle East in recent decades. Through this conflict, Syria has become the hub in regional conflicts,...Show moreThe Syrian civil war has been one of the most protracted and severe conflicts in the Middle East in recent decades. Through this conflict, Syria has become the hub in regional conflicts, geopolitical strife and sectarian violence. This thesis examines the European Union's response to this complex conflict through a neorealist lens and a detailed discussion of European policy throughout the years.Show less
In 2009 the European Union introduced the Lisbon Treaty. One of the changes this brought about was the introduction of a permanent president of the European Council. With this transformation the...Show moreIn 2009 the European Union introduced the Lisbon Treaty. One of the changes this brought about was the introduction of a permanent president of the European Council. With this transformation the former EU presidency no longer exists and this thesis investigates the implications of this change. This is done by specifically looking at the national interests discussed in the European Council. Before the Lisbon Treaty Member States were able to influence the European Council by pushing their national interests, but based on the new institutional settings of the permanent presidency, this seemed after Lisbon more unlikely. An analysis of nine rotating presidencies of the Council of the European Union after Lisbon has been made and compared to the respective European Council conclusions of that period. The results show that in fact national interests have been discussed in the European Council. Nevertheless, only a third of all national interests has been discussed. On the other hand, the analyses also reveal that on average the discussed national interests in the European Council have significant similarity with the national interests of the Member States. Furthermore, the analysis brought also forward that certain national interests that seem not significant for the European Council have been discussed in the European Council, which could indicate that Member States can still push their national interests. In conclusion, national interests were discussed only to a low extent in the European Council, answering the research question of this thesis: to what extent are national interests of Member States presiding over the Council of the European Union discussed during European Council meetings?Show less
Vulnerabilities in information systems have always been the Achilles heel of digital security. Ransomware-campaigns such as WannaCry and (Not)Petya highlighted the global and multidimensional...Show moreVulnerabilities in information systems have always been the Achilles heel of digital security. Ransomware-campaigns such as WannaCry and (Not)Petya highlighted the global and multidimensional nature of vulnerabilities and showed how substantial the impact of these could be for many aspects of the daily life. Vulnerability disclosure is a valuable instrument to report and solve these vulnerabilities to increase the security of information systems and prevent such events from happening. However, EU’s legal landscape for vulnerability disclosure is fragmented, and vulnerability researchers have to deal with legal uncertainty. Therefore, this thesis focuses on how the EU can increase the resilience of its cyber ecosystem through stimulating vulnerability disclosure. The purpose of this study will be to describe the different policy instruments the EU may use to stimulate coordinated vulnerability disclosure and prescribe which ones would be most valuable for increasing the EU’s cyber resilience. Coordinated vulnerability disclosure refers to the approach of disclosing vulnerabilities in the security of information systems in a controlled and responsible manner. This thesis will combine an analysis of primary and secondary sources – using technical and non-technical perspectives to bring these two worlds closer together to develop effective cybersecurity policies. To provide a deeper understanding of how the EU could construct a resilient cyber ecosystem: insight on cybersecurity, the resilience of ecosystems and security governance will be combined. Concluding, it is recommended that the EU uses a mix of regulatory instruments making optimal use of the expertise of the private sector to stimulate coordinated vulnerability disclosure. The outcomes are timely because in September 2017 a new EU Cyberstrategy will be presented.Show less
In this thesis, I argue that legitimacy is a complex concept to work with. In order to gain some clarity, it is useful to think about the different aspects of legitimacy. The distinction between...Show moreIn this thesis, I argue that legitimacy is a complex concept to work with. In order to gain some clarity, it is useful to think about the different aspects of legitimacy. The distinction between social and formal legitimacy is interesting because it reminds us that legitimacy cannot be captured by simple statements. In relation to the CJEU, Lenaerts has developed a theory of internal and external legitimacy. Especially external legitimacy is important, because that basically defines the limits of what a court should do and what it should not do. These external limits of legitimacy make that courts need to define what exactly the law is. Subsequently, courts need to be aware of those limits and not overstep them. Determining what the limits are, however, is quite difficult because the court needs to balance the different interests of the parties involved. However, if it is done successfully and the court stays within those limits, it has the potential of enjoying social legitimacy as well as formal legitimacy.This thesis applies this framework to the CJEU and it role in the EU and its role in the development of the EU legal order. It shows that the tension between the competences of the Member States and those of the EU is nearly always present and manifests itself in different ways and in different places. In this thesis, I have argued that legitimacy is a complex concept to work with. In order to gain some clarity, it is useful to think about the different aspects of legitimacy. The distinction between social and formal legitimacy is interesting because it reminds us that legitimacy cannot be captured by simple statements. In relation to the CJEU, Lenaerts has developed a theory of internal and external legitimacy. Especially external legitimacy is important, because that basically defines the limits of what a court should do and what it should not do. These external limits of legitimacy make that courts need to define what exactly the law is. Subsequently, courts need to be aware of those limits and not overstep them. Determining what the limits are, however, is quite difficult because the court needs to balance the different interests of the parties involved. However, if it is done successfully and the court stays within those limits, it has the potential of enjoying social legitimacy as well as formal legitimacy. This thesis has applied this framework to the CJEU and it role in the EU and its role in the development of the EU legal order. It has been shown that the tension between the competences of the Member States and those of the EU is nearly always present and manifests itself in different ways and in different places. In this thesis, I have argued that legitimacy is a complex concept to work with. In order to gain some clarity, it is useful to think about the different aspects of legitimacy. The distinction between social and formal legitimacy is interesting because it reminds us that legitimacy cannot be captured by simple statements. In relation to the CJEU, Lenaerts has developed a theory of internal and external legitimacy. Especially external legitimacy is important, because that basically defines the limits of what a court should do and what it should not do. These external limits of legitimacy make that courts need to define what exactly the law is. Subsequently, courts need to be aware of those limits and not overstep them. Determining what the limits are, however, is quite difficult because the court needs to balance the different interests of the parties involved. However, if it is done successfully and the court stays within those limits, it has the potential of enjoying social legitimacy as well as formal legitimacy. This thesis has applied this framework to the CJEU and it role in the EU and its role in the development of the EU legal order. It has been shown that the tension between the competences of the Member States and those of the EU is nearly always present and manifests itself in different ways and in different places. In this thesis, I have argued that legitimacy is a complex concept to work with. In order to gain some clarity, it is useful to think about the different aspects of legitimacy. The distinction between social and formal legitimacy is interesting because it reminds us that legitimacy cannot be captured by simple statements. In relation to the CJEU, Lenaerts has developed a theory of internal and external legitimacy. Especially external legitimacy is important, because that basically defines the limits of what a court should do and what it should not do. These external limits of legitimacy make that courts need to define what exactly the law is. Subsequently, courts need to be aware of those limits and not overstep them. Determining what the limits are, however, is quite difficult because the court needs to balance the different interests of the parties involved. However, if it is done successfully and the court stays within those limits, it has the potential of enjoying social legitimacy as well as formal legitimacy. This thesis has applied this framework to the CJEU and it role in the EU and its role in the development of the EU legal order. It has been shown that the tension between the competences of the Member States and those of the EU is nearly always present and manifests itself in different ways and in different places.Show less
The relationship between the Netherlands’ state policy and migrants in an irregular situation is mediated by international and EU conventions, agreements and Directives. This study will suggest...Show moreThe relationship between the Netherlands’ state policy and migrants in an irregular situation is mediated by international and EU conventions, agreements and Directives. This study will suggest that victims’ protection safeguards are not fully in place, especially for undocumented migrants. This research provides an overview of the provisions for the protection of the basic human rights of undocumented migrants in particular, as the most vulnerable group of migrants. The study suggests that the effectiveness of legal protection provisions depends on how these provisions are formulated and also on their practical application in specific cases. Recognition of undocumented people’s rights includes the important issue, which is focused on in this study, of the undocumented as victims of criminal forms of labor exploitation. Therefore this research focuses on the implementation of these safeguards through the study of three cases of three undocumented Indonesian migrants in the Netherlands in attaining their rights and protection as victims of labor exploitation. Being undocumented has put them in a precarious situation when it comes to reporting crime to the police, and then accessing justice for prosecution and reparations. A related study has been conducted by the EU Agency for Fundamental Rights on labor exploitation in EU member states more generally. However, this study seeks to fill a gap in empirical studies by interviewing and reporting on, and analyzing the accounts of Indonesian undocumented migrants in particular, about their experiences in relation to crimes of labor exploitation in the case of the Netherlands. This is the knowledge gap this research seeks to address. The study’s findings tend to confirm the view that irregular migrants can be understood both as victims of labor exploitation crimes, and as agents seeking justice within the provisions of what is possible, given the priority of the Dutch authorities with protection of the national territory and labor market from ‘unauthorized migrants’.Show less
This paper locates sexuality/ies within the field of International Relations by identifying how the latter shapes and is shaped by sexualities. Through the empirical application of the concept of ...Show moreThis paper locates sexuality/ies within the field of International Relations by identifying how the latter shapes and is shaped by sexualities. Through the empirical application of the concept of ‘Ethical Power Europe’ to the 2016 EU-Turkey Statement, and the analysis of Turkish ‘conservative democracy’ and 'traditional social life', it analyses the consequences for sexual minorities in Turkey. The use of Queer International Relations allows for the realisation of Turkey as an ‘unsafe haven’ and of how figurations of LGBTIQ asylum-seekers/refugees are less protected there. In contrast, this reflects on the concepts of ethics and universalism implied in ‘Ethical Power Europe’, and the EU's level of protection of sexual minorities.Show less
This thesis seeks to explore the topic of religiously offensive cartoons, taking the attack on Charlie Hebdo in January 2015 as a starting point. After applying the legal framework and different...Show moreThis thesis seeks to explore the topic of religiously offensive cartoons, taking the attack on Charlie Hebdo in January 2015 as a starting point. After applying the legal framework and different legal philosophical justifications for free speech to the Charlie Hebdo cartoons, the analysis will take a closer look at a similar controversy in Denmark. As in the Danish cartoon controversy, analysing the broader socio-political context can provide a deeper understanding of the root causes of the protests following the attack. Drawing on critical discourse analysis this thesis investigates the question to what extend the public discourse on free speech in France after the attack on Charlie Hebdo and the role of French Muslims in this debate reflect power relations within the French society. Such power relations indeed manifest themselves in this discourse as it was the official side who started the discourse and had the power to chose wording, meaning of concepts, the topoi and to define ingroups and outgroups. Societal inequalities can also be noticed through participation and representation of French Muslisms and their interaction to the other groups present in the discourse.Show less
This Master thesis approaches a central theme for modern societies and democracies: media freedom. The following analysis chooses to scrutinise one specific country’s conceptualisation of this...Show moreThis Master thesis approaches a central theme for modern societies and democracies: media freedom. The following analysis chooses to scrutinise one specific country’s conceptualisation of this principle: France. As this study finds and further demonstrates, the French understanding of media freedom relates to a European conceptualisation; categorised in the consequentialist academic trend. Although grouped with the consequentialists, this thesis however decides to further analyse this arguably utopic view on the French case. Precisely, it is interesting to question France’s almost sacrosanct international image of pays des droits de l’homme. However, by questioning this stance, the thesis does not aim to be outrightly sceptic: instead it questions France’s categorisation in the consequentialist group to either conclude by confirming it, or revoking it. Since this analysis can only be succinctly conducted, researches have justified the choice to focus on the Institutional Act n°2009-257, enacted during Nicolas Sarkozy’s term. Thus, the topic is narrowed down to the French perspective of media freedom as to public broadcasting services (PBS). Although later amended with Law n°2013-1028 of November 15th 2013, the relevance of the 2009 Institutional Act thought to deserve a distinct analysis – due to its ‘uniqueness’ in the French PBS legal landscape. To conduct this analysis, Jan Oster’s theorisation is chosen. Indeed, the legal framework proposed by the academic is believed to allow a thorough scrutiny of this 2009 piece of legislation – and the other provisions attached to it. Specifically, a combined politico-legal analysis of this legal text is to be conducted. It is believed that a political sciences insight could help determine what the legal discipline cannot. Attention should be put on the fact that this study accounts as the first to employ J. Oster’s theoretical and methodological framework, so that no previous model is available. Therefore, this thesis’ attempt to use it is a form of experimentation.Show less
The European Parliament elections in the spring of 2014 witnessed the victory of eurosceptic far right parties, especially in France, Denmark and the United Kingdom. Consequently, the incredible...Show moreThe European Parliament elections in the spring of 2014 witnessed the victory of eurosceptic far right parties, especially in France, Denmark and the United Kingdom. Consequently, the incredible ascent of eurosceptic attitudes in the public debate has put the question of the causes of such a development at the forefront of European Union studies. Academia has identified a multiplicity of factors for the formation of eurosceptic attitudes in EU member-states. Indeed, causes for popular anti-EU feelings range from identity attachment, rational economic calculus, level of education, social transnationalism, and reception of political cues. Party-based euroscepticism is conceived to be the result of ideological positioning and politicisation strategies by extreme parties on the political spectrum to reap electoral mandates and gain visibility. The present study offers a general model for political thought formation by approaching euroscepticism as a narrative exercised in the public sphere. Anti-EU discourse is mutually constructed by party competition in the national political arena, the media filter and public civil society. The case study of the Front National’s campaign in 2014, reveals that the party used populist tactics, such as an anti-elite stance, to capture the popular vote. The incorporation of EU issues into its ideological rationale, embodying the defence of national sovereignty, cultural homogeneity and economic self-determination, has amplified the anti-EU discourse in public debate. Yet, populist strategies of the Front National are insufficient in explaining French eurosceptic attitudes. They evolve in a particular climate whereby a narrative of decline is sustained by the media, which taps into individual feelings of insecurity in social, cultural and economic terms.Show less
Since the advent of the 2014 EU Parliamentary Election, the rise of nationalist parties and growing Euroscepticism is highly visible across the continent (European Commission, 2014b). Several...Show moreSince the advent of the 2014 EU Parliamentary Election, the rise of nationalist parties and growing Euroscepticism is highly visible across the continent (European Commission, 2014b). Several studies have tried to find reasons for the increased concern and distrust towards EU policies, among which are the euro-crisis, strict austerity measures and insecurities towards immigrants (Treib, 2014). It is however worth to “look beyond traditional explanations” and look into the role the media might have played and still plays (De Vreese 2007, p. 272). There is a general agreement that the media are an important source of information for the public and therefore also contribute to shaping views on EU politics. Despite this common wisdom, academic literature in that area is scarce and rather fragmented (Hawkins, 2012; De Vreese 2007). The few existing studies, however, suggest that framing in news coverage has a significant impact on people’s opinion and is key to understand Euroscepticism (e.g. Van Spanje and De Vreese, 2014; Hawkins, 2012). Since EU’s citizens and their attitudes are crucial for the future support of the project (Van Spanje and De Vreese, 2011), the topic of this thesis focuses on the role of frames, used in media coverage on EU topics as potential predictors of people’s opinions on the EU. Since journalistic cultures are different across countries and might therefore influence EU citizens differently, findings will be compared across nations. Awareness of these effects can be of practical relevance not only for academics but also for EU policy makers wishing to bridge the communicative gap between the EU’s institutions and its citizens, a starting point to enhance democratic legitimacy.Show less
Since the digital revolution of the early 2000’s, the amount of online personal data has grown exponentially. Thanks to services such as e-mail, online shopping and social media, (private)...Show moreSince the digital revolution of the early 2000’s, the amount of online personal data has grown exponentially. Thanks to services such as e-mail, online shopping and social media, (private) companies gather more and more personal information of their users. This is not only interesting for commercial parties; authorities are, in the context of combating terrorism, more interested in this kind of information. This has also put the right to privacy under a lot of pressure. Data protection in the European Union has been successful, through the Safe Harbor Principles, the EU was capable of creating a framework of rules safeguarding privacy and data protection for US based companies operating in Europe. However, it was not capable of dealing with the rapid changes of the digital revolution and the urge for more security after the nine-eleven terrorist attacks in 2001. Many questions were raised over the effectiveness of data protection in the post nine-eleven era, with the Snowden revelations as the absolute low point. The Snowden revelations have lead to the case Schrems v. Data Protection Officer, where the Safe Harbor Principles were put in question. This thesis attempts to investigate the validity of the Safe Harbor Principles through examining various pieces of case law of the Court of Justice of the European Union. The results are surprising; throughout the years, many inconsistencies and legal uncertainties emerged which do pose a threat to the Safe Harbor Principles.Show less
After the mid-1980s, it became necessary to harmonise asylum policy of the European Union (EU) due to the increasing number of asylum applications and the removal of internal borders between the...Show moreAfter the mid-1980s, it became necessary to harmonise asylum policy of the European Union (EU) due to the increasing number of asylum applications and the removal of internal borders between the Member States. To this end, Member States firstly approximated their asylum policies through intergovernmental initiatives and then gradually communitarised asylum policy of the EU via treaty reforms. The Amsterdam Treaty put asylum policy, for the first time, under the Community competence and subsequent treaties further increased EU’s competence. Meanwhile, the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) has been established under three multi-annual programmes, namely the Tampere, the Hague and the Stockholm Programmes. This thesis explores to what extent the Member States have transferred their competence in asylum policy to the EU in particular since 1999 when the Amsterdam Treaty came into force and the CEAS was introduced. It accordingly analyses both primary and secondary EU law on asylum with a critical legal approach. The development of the common European asylum policy and its gradual shift from the national to the intergovernmental and eventually to the supranational level resulting from the transfer of competence are also analysed from a neo-functionalist perspective.Show less
Data transfers are done on a global scale and are impervious to man-made geographical borders. Attempts to regulate them may therefore lead to jurisdictional overlaps. This paper focuses on the EU...Show moreData transfers are done on a global scale and are impervious to man-made geographical borders. Attempts to regulate them may therefore lead to jurisdictional overlaps. This paper focuses on the EU using its power to change standards abroad. This is done in light of the Normative Power Europe concept. This concept is a particular perspective on the EU’s international role and its influence on affairs beyond its borders. From this perspective, the EU promotes and spreads its norms to third countries or other external entities. When it comes to privacy and data protection standards, the EU seems to be doing exactly this. This paper is an attempt to anchor EU privacy policy in the broader theoretical context of Normative Power Europe, developing a subset concept: Privacy Power Europe. This entails the construction of a Privacy Power Europe ideal type, having various characteristic features. The paper then continues with an extensive evaluation whether the EU in its current form and actions in fact shows these characteristic features. The question is asked whether the EU is a normative power in the area of privacy and data protection.Show less
