Few academics have taken a critical perspective on the Ukraine-Russia crisis. Therefore, this thesis examines the crisis between Ukraine and Russia from a post-colonial perspective. The case of...Show moreFew academics have taken a critical perspective on the Ukraine-Russia crisis. Therefore, this thesis examines the crisis between Ukraine and Russia from a post-colonial perspective. The case of Ukraine shows both the strengths and weaknesses of the post-colonial approach. While it is clear that a neo-colonial attitude does exist in Russia, this does not mean it directly influences individual foreign policy decisions. Post-colonialism cannot explain why Ukraine specifically is so important to Russia. Although Russia believes it has a civilising mission in the post-Soviet space in general, post-colonialism cannot explain Moscow’s specific policy response.Show less
With the abundance of data and more sophisticated analytical capabilities, big data is receiving increasing attention in international relations research. This thesis intends to explore the...Show moreWith the abundance of data and more sophisticated analytical capabilities, big data is receiving increasing attention in international relations research. This thesis intends to explore the relevance of real-time big data analysis in violent conflict prediction and prevention by examining the state of the art of big-data based social science research, assessing the value of open data and elaborating on the question of access and the interests of stakeholders in data-sharing across sectors. Finally, three data sharing models will be visualised and the privacy vs. security dichotomy will be addressed.Show less
The question of British identity is a valid one in the aftermath of the 2014 Scottish Referendum. Although 55% of the Scots voted against Scottish independence, nearly half of the Scots backed the...Show moreThe question of British identity is a valid one in the aftermath of the 2014 Scottish Referendum. Although 55% of the Scots voted against Scottish independence, nearly half of the Scots backed the Yes-campaign on Thursday 18 September 2014 and thus favoured an independent Scotland over a united family of nations. In this thesis it will be aimed to uncover if and how the debate surrounding the Scottish referendum and its outcome has affected and will affect the soft power of the United Kingdom by answering the following question: to what extent has the debate surrounding the 2014 Scottish Referendum and its outcome affected the soft power exerted by the United Kingdom?Show less
Energy security is currently one of the most discussed and debated topics in political circles. This is partly due to shifting energy narratives and the growing understanding of the different...Show moreEnergy security is currently one of the most discussed and debated topics in political circles. This is partly due to shifting energy narratives and the growing understanding of the different dimensions of energy. For the European Union, energy policy and governance has been placed centrally on the agenda, with the Energy Union becoming one of the key priorities with the new Juncker Commission. The movement towards a broader conceptualization and understanding of energy security has come from a renewed attention on the relationship between the EU and Russia. The EU-Russian energy trade relationship is a central feature of the interaction between the two actors; they are even interdependent when it comes to the natural gas trade. This is crucial to understand the contemporary energy security situation of the EU. This study focuses on this particular relationship by testing it against several indicators in order to gain an insight into the various elements of the EU-Russian energy relationship. In order to meet the energy security challenges effectively and coherently, the EU and the Member States must actively pursue a comprehensive and far-reaching energy governance system, something which has been lacking so far. There have been promising signs that the EU is finally ready to do so with the Energy Union, however the final political feasibility can still be questioned. Any energy security measures that the EU intends to implement should focus on unilateral action since the political relationship with Russia is unstable. The EU should in fact work from its core strengths; economic integration, cooperation and strength in numbers. By concentrating on the market aspects of energy security, the EU can significantly improve its energy security vis-à-vis Russia in the short term.Show less
The goal of this essay is to prove that national identity, as perceived by the Russian leadership plays an important role in the making of Russian foreign policy. The thesis is that Russian...Show moreThe goal of this essay is to prove that national identity, as perceived by the Russian leadership plays an important role in the making of Russian foreign policy. The thesis is that Russian-Brazilian relations confirm this importance of identity in Russian foreign policy. Although Russia and Brazil share certain commonalities when it comes to the size of the countries and populations, the leadership potential that comes with that, the developments they have gone through over the past century, similarities in their economies and some of the social issues they face today, in a practical sense they do not have that much in common. Geographically, they are remote from one another, historically they have been on opposite sides of the Cold War and they have very different regime types, Brazil being a fully-fledged democracy whereas Russia boasts a hybrid regime with authoritarian traits. They could easily conduct their internal and external affairs without investing any time and effort in bilateral relations, as they more or less have done in the 1990s. Therefore, Moscow’s relations with Brasilia make an interesting case to explore the motivations behind, as they are neither self-explanatory nor indispensable. This essay does not aim to prove that Russian-Brazilian relations are essential to Russian foreign policy. As abovementioned, they clearly are not indispensable. The Russian leadership does identify Brazil as a key partner in Latin America and describes the relationship as being of strategic importance , and in recent years the Kremlin has attributed increasing importance to relations with Latin America, but there can be no doubt that the region takes a backseat to Europe, Asia and North-America in Russian foreign policy. This essay merely sets out to demonstrate that matters of national identity play a role in the making of Russian foreign policy, and aims to lend further credence to this thesis by analysing Russian-Brazilian relations. To this end, part I of this essay offers an analysis of Russian foreign policy in the 21st century, paying special attention to Realist tendencies and matters that seem to illustrate the importance of identity, whereas part II of this essay focuses on Russian-Brazilian relations and how these seem to indicate the importance of identity in Russian foreign policy.Show less
This study concerns the EU's external policies in Bosnia and Herzegovina and their effectiveness. The policies of the EU in Bosnia and Herzegovina since the Dayton Accords in 1995 are analysed from...Show moreThis study concerns the EU's external policies in Bosnia and Herzegovina and their effectiveness. The policies of the EU in Bosnia and Herzegovina since the Dayton Accords in 1995 are analysed from a constructivist point of view, and the effectiveness of these policies is studied. Although the EU has been involved in Bosnia and Herzegovina for almost twenty years, both during the war and afterwards, the goal of Bosnia and Herzegovina becoming at least an EU candidate member state has not yet been reached. The EU has invested millions of euros a year in Bosnia and Herzegovina, but its economy is still very unstable and the unemployment rate has increased. The EU itself has engaged mainly with Bosnian politicians for the responsibility of improving Bosnia's unstable situation. However, at the same time the EU criticises these same politicians for not being able to reform to a society that is divided by ethnicity. With their policies in Bosnia and Herzegovina, the EU has only been acting from its own identity and values, and has not taken into consideration the Bosnian history and identity in this process. Due to this, the EU policies on Bosnia and Herzegovina have been ineffective for they only act from a European perspective. In their attempt to make democracy succeed, the EU has enforced democracy on Bosnia and Herzegovina, resulting in a contradiction in terms against the values that the EU stands for. The principle of conditionality that is used by the EU to compel Bosnia and Herzegovina to reform is weakened by this contradiction. That leads to a credibility gap in Bosnia and Herzegovina, which undermines the EU's efforts and further increases the ineffectiveness of their actions.Show less
