Het enactivisme is een benadering binnen de cognitiewetenschappen, waarvan aanhangers cognitieve processen beschouwen als lichamelijke processen die ontstaan door de wederkerige interactie tussen...Show moreHet enactivisme is een benadering binnen de cognitiewetenschappen, waarvan aanhangers cognitieve processen beschouwen als lichamelijke processen die ontstaan door de wederkerige interactie tussen het organisme en de omgeving. Enactivisten doen een poging om de cognitie- en neurowetenschappen te verreiken met ideeën uit de traditionele filosofie van de fenomenologie. In mijn onderzoek laat ik zien dat ze met deze poging in een spanningsveld terechtkomen, een spanningsveld tussen de subjectieve ervaring en objectieve meting van lichamelijke processen. Om verdieping en inzicht in het spanningsveld te bieden, onderzoek ik de verschillende epistemische waarden van beide stromingen. Zo beschouw ik dat binnen de cognitie- en neurowetenschappen het geven van causale verklaringen een belangrijke waarde is, om te kunnen interveniëren in processen. Daarnaast beschrijf ik dat binnen de fenomenologie betekenisvolle ervaring centraal staat, om terug te keren naar de dingen zelf. Ik beargumenteer dat enactivisten in staat zijn om de cognitie- en neurowetenschappen te integreren met ideeën uit de fenomenologie, op voorwaarde dat ervaring de gemeenschappelijke grond blijft waaruit onderzoek ontspringt en causale verbanden worden gezien als de stabiele eenheid van meerdere ervaringen.Show less
The thesis explores the consequences of the domestication of street art in the forms of institutionalization and heritagization through a multi- and interdisciplinary approach.
In this thesis I defend the claim that globalization, capitalism and consumerism are determining factors in contemporary society and therefore a normative political theory ought to incorporate an...Show moreIn this thesis I defend the claim that globalization, capitalism and consumerism are determining factors in contemporary society and therefore a normative political theory ought to incorporate an answer to how these factors must be dealt with. Agonists must either revise their agonistic democratic theories or oppose globalization, capitalism and consumerism all together. I have chosen the views of William Connolly and James Tully.Show less
Several studies have shown that media play a huge role in constructing national identities. These studies are often carried out in the context of ‘othering’, since a collective dissociation of ‘the...Show moreSeveral studies have shown that media play a huge role in constructing national identities. These studies are often carried out in the context of ‘othering’, since a collective dissociation of ‘the other’ in many cases strengthens the feeling of nationalism. Studies on how African media play a role in the formation of national identities are scarce, however. A regularly used example of ‘the other’ is the refugee and one of the largest refugee-hosting countries world-wide is Uganda. This thesis therefore studies how the New Vision, one of the biggest Ugandan newspapers, covers news on refugees and how the New Vision then contributes to the construction of a national identity in Uganda. Three methods were used: a participatory research in the form of an internship, a discourse analysis of text and finally a discourse analysis of pictures. The results show that the New Vision focuses on the idea that the government does everything in its power to help refugees and portrays ‘the Ugandan’ as very welcoming towards refugees.Show less
This thesis delves into the concept of the queer 'Other' in Gothic literature, using Mary Shelley's 'Frankenstein', Bram Stoker's 'Dracula' and Oscar Wilde's 'The Picture of Dorian Gray' as...Show moreThis thesis delves into the concept of the queer 'Other' in Gothic literature, using Mary Shelley's 'Frankenstein', Bram Stoker's 'Dracula' and Oscar Wilde's 'The Picture of Dorian Gray' as examples to analyse the discourse surrounding the figure of the queer Other in nineteenth-century society. Key concepts are the (sexually) queer monster and queer(ing) space and social constructs.Show less
This MA thesis is a research into the origins, structure and patronage of the Donetsk and Luhansk People's Republics in Eastern Ukraine's Donbas region. In this MA thesis, five terms are being...Show moreThis MA thesis is a research into the origins, structure and patronage of the Donetsk and Luhansk People's Republics in Eastern Ukraine's Donbas region. In this MA thesis, five terms are being researched to see whether or not they are applicable to the People's Republics in the Donbas. These terms are puppet state, protectorate, client state, associated state and vassal state. The conclusion of this MA thesis is that the Donetsk People's Republic and the Luhansk People's Republic can be considered both Russian puppet states as well as Russian protectorates.Show less
The Arctic is often perceived to be a vast empty space, the world’s inhospitable and politically unimportant hinterland. Increasingly at the forefront of the global climate change precipice, the...Show moreThe Arctic is often perceived to be a vast empty space, the world’s inhospitable and politically unimportant hinterland. Increasingly at the forefront of the global climate change precipice, the attention the Arctic receives predominantly reflects a passive region that serves as a dire warning of the environmental degradation to come. In reality however, the Arctic is home to over 500,000 indigenous peoples whose heritages reflect thousands of years of subsistence living and adaption to the region’s environment. The political agency of indigenous peoples in the Arctic is integral to the innovative and collaborative space. As a result, indigenous knowledge is an important component for understanding Arctic international relations and developments. However, the narrow framework of mainstream International Relations is unequipped to sufficiently address this reality. This thesis asks: How do Arctic indigenous peoples’ knowledge and perspectives pose a challenge to prevailing International Relations assumptions? With a focus on the challenges and new perspectives that indigenous knowledge offers to the assumptions of state-centrism, agency, cooperation, territoriality, sovereignty and modernity, this thesis endeavours to include indigenous views in a more inclusive and globally representative International Relations. Is it sufficient to analyse the indigenous political role in environmental protection and sustainable development as one of a non-state influence, pressuring states to make environmentally conscious decisions in their policies? Are indigenous political and social arrangements in the Arctic merely an anomaly formation of significant authority within the regular framework of state interactions? This thesis argues that the variety of indigenous beliefs, worldviews, and knowledge provide more discerning and apt frameworks for International Relations theory to understand indigenous peoples’ involvement in Arctic politics.Show less
La dictadura militar dirigida por Augusto Pinochet es indudablemente el período histórico que ha generado y que sigue generando la mayor controversia en la sociedad chilena. A través de la memoria...Show moreLa dictadura militar dirigida por Augusto Pinochet es indudablemente el período histórico que ha generado y que sigue generando la mayor controversia en la sociedad chilena. A través de la memoria colectiva el país puede enfrentar las atrocidades de su pasado y reconocer su historia. Para influir sobre esta historia de la sociedad chilena es fundamental tener una política de memoria por parte del Estado. Las políticas de memoria elaboran el pasado común que sirve de fondo de experiencia, que gestiona el presente y que decide el futuro.Show less
Orthodox accounts of the British Labour governments in power between 1945 and 1951 are mistaken in presenting the government’s management of the sterling crises as having been apolitical and...Show moreOrthodox accounts of the British Labour governments in power between 1945 and 1951 are mistaken in presenting the government’s management of the sterling crises as having been apolitical and pragmatic. This thesis compares the effects of Britain’s sterling area policies on Britain and the British Empire more widely, in order to evaluate the consequences of their domestic social democratic reforms and the reconstruction of the wider British economy beyond the British experience. Contra orthodox historians of the period, the Attlee governments’ economic policy was deeply political in its design, implementation and consequences, subordinating the needs of colonial peoples to those of Britain in both design and practice. The British government relied on political control over the sterling area to obtain finance from the colonies at non-market rates. Without these loans, the Attlee governments may have had to have cut domestic expenditure or make greater political concessions to the USA in return for more American aid. Policies were implemented to mobilise colonial resources whose export would have a positive effect on the balance of payments crises. Although in some colonies this export drive laid the groundwork for economic development, in colonies where development projects were poorly implemented, particularly in West Africa, the benefits were not mutual. Furthermore, the Attlee governments effectively “outsourced” austerity to the colonies, resulting in shortages of goods and capital drain. This was achieved through their political control over the terms of trade in the sterling area. The negative effects of their policies on colonial living standards were known and contested, and ran counter to the Labour Party’s espoused socialist principles. However, ideological beliefs about race and the role of Britain in the world order may have influenced government decisions to protect British people at the expense of dependent colonies, and the Empire’s undemocratic political structure permitted it. That austerity measures in the colonies bear the hallmarks of measures for economic discipline traditionally employed in the 1920s and 1930s suggests that Attlee’s brand of social democracy did not transform the nature of capitalism to the extent that it may have appeared from a British perspective.Show less
Deze masterscriptie is geschreven tijdens de master Journalistiek en Nieuwe Media aan de Universiteit Leiden in opdracht van Omroep West. De effecten van constructieve journalistiek op de...Show moreDeze masterscriptie is geschreven tijdens de master Journalistiek en Nieuwe Media aan de Universiteit Leiden in opdracht van Omroep West. De effecten van constructieve journalistiek op de waardering van de nieuwsvoorziening van Omroep West staan hierbij centraal. Door middel van kwantitatief onderzoek wordt antwoord gegeven op de onderzoeksvraag: ‘Welk effect heeft de overgang naar constructieve journalistiek op de perceptie van het publiek van Omroep West?’. Voordat de stroming van constructieve journalistiek werd opgenomen in het beleid van Omroep West is er een survey verspreid onder het publiek van de omroep. Bijna 500 respondenten hebben deze survey ingevuld die in 2017 is verspreid. Na een periode van meer dan een jaar is dezelfde survey wederom verspreid onder de respondenten (N= 116). Na het analyseren van de verkregen data van de surveys in SPSS wijst dit onderzoek uit welk effect de overgang naar constructieve journalistiek op het publiek van Omroep West heeft gehad. Constructieve journalistiek kan een mogelijke verfrissing zijn tussen de bestaande negatieve berichtgeving en een bijdrage leveren om het ‘news gap’ te verkleinen. Deze nieuwe vorm van journalistiek draait om oplossingsgerichtheid en het bieden van context. De theorie over constructieve journalistiek toont aan dat een juiste toepassing van de elementen van deze stroming een positief effect heeft op nieuwsconsumenten. Dit onderzoek toont aan dat, in tegenstelling tot de theorie, de overgang naar constructieve journalistiek geen positief effect heeft gehad op de perceptie van de berichtgeving door het publiek van Omroep West. Hier zijn een aantal mogelijke oorzaken voor. Bijvoorbeeld dat constructieve journalistiek in te kleine mate is toegepast op de berichtgeving om waarneembaar en/of doorslaggevend te zijn bij de waardering van de stellingen door het publiek. Daarnaast kan het ook onvolledig zijn toegepast of merken de respondenten de veranderingen die teweeg zijn gebracht door constructieve journalistiek niet genoeg op. Eventueel vervolgonderzoek kan wenselijk zijn om verdere verduidelijking te krijgen over de invloed van deze mogelijke oorzaken.Show less
Kort voor de Japanse inval in Nederlands-Indië (1942) werd een groep van 146 geïnterneerde Indische NSB'ers, de onverzoenlijken, naar Suriname verscheept. Meer dan een jaar na het einde van de...Show moreKort voor de Japanse inval in Nederlands-Indië (1942) werd een groep van 146 geïnterneerde Indische NSB'ers, de onverzoenlijken, naar Suriname verscheept. Meer dan een jaar na het einde van de Tweede Wereldoorlog werden zij vervolgens naar Nederland gebracht waar zij probeerden gerehabiliteerd te worden. In deze scriptie is getracht de beleidslijn ten aanzien van deze groep - de Surinamegroep - te reconstrueren.Show less
This thesis focuses on the role of the Indonesian propagandist Sutomo (or Bung Tomo) during the Indonesian revolution in Surabaya, 1945, questioning the Dutch and Indonesian different perspectives...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the role of the Indonesian propagandist Sutomo (or Bung Tomo) during the Indonesian revolution in Surabaya, 1945, questioning the Dutch and Indonesian different perspectives and memory. Nowadays in Indonesia Sutomo is remembered as a hero, yet in the Dutch historiography he is often portrayed as a war criminal, responsible for inciting the masses to kill Dutch, Eurasians and other minorities. One Dutch testimony in particular holds him accountable for the brutal massacre in the Simpang Club. This case-study analyses the different views on Indonesian anti-colonial violence during the so-called "Bersiap-period" and how Bung Tomo became the personification of these brutalities for the Dutch memory in particular. How does the latter relate to the Indonesian positive memory of him? As such, the topic of this thesis also relates to the growing academic attention to the Bersiap, in which terminology (should we call it a genocide) and the possible trigger (why did it happen) are the main topics of discussion. The first section provides a brief historical outline from the pre-war colonial situation to the Japanese occupation and finally the capitulation on August 15th, 1945. To give a clear understanding of the variety of social and political factors that led to the violent outburst of the Bersiap. The second section traces the basic history of Sutomo and his place in Surabaya and the first two months of the revolution in September and October 1945. This includes an analysis of the horrible events inside the Simpang Club. The third section pays attention to the period after he established his organization BPRI, when he became internationally known as radio-maker, actively countering Dutch propaganda. This section aims to explore the possibility of a Dutch slander campaign against him and the subsequent impact of that on the later historiography and memory. The conclusion returns to the main question on how to make sense of the conflicting memories of Bung Tomo. The conclusion also touches upon the larger question regarding the responsibility for the Bersiap and whether the term genocide is appropriate in this case.Show less
Voortbestaan in Geregtigheid: Afrikaner Identiteit en de Geest van N.P. Van Wyk Louw. Hoe een veranderende Afrikaner identiteit van invloed was op de ondergang van apartheid
