Populism is becoming more and more a predominant political phenomenon with several European countries. Many are the debates concerning the real nature of populism, its political affiliation, agenda...Show morePopulism is becoming more and more a predominant political phenomenon with several European countries. Many are the debates concerning the real nature of populism, its political affiliation, agenda and particular features. Although there is not a comprehensive and clear definition of populism yer, many scholars have proposed a set of themes aimed at grouping populist parties according to some specific characteristics. One of these themes is Euroscepticism. Indeed, common understanding refers to populist parties as profoundly Eurosceptic. However, this thesis argues that populist parties are not intrinsically Eurosceptic, rather their Euroscepticism depends on their intrinsic need to create an adversary, an enemy to combat that can take countless forms as the European Union. This thesis investigates one example, the Italian populist 'League' party, which has recently achieved an important electoral victory. The party's ambiguous rhetoric and agenda will be considered. This in order to highlight the natural behaviour of the League, always keen on identifying one enemy to battle per time. Three are the periods taken into consideration and, accordingly, three are the enemies upon which they have focused their agenda: the southerners, the European Union and the Immigrant.Show less
This research focus on the construction of Portuguese imperial nostalgia, especially through the Lusotropicalism theory, and the poems of Fernando Pessoa. In it I analyze the Portuguese narrative...Show moreThis research focus on the construction of Portuguese imperial nostalgia, especially through the Lusotropicalism theory, and the poems of Fernando Pessoa. In it I analyze the Portuguese narrative of colonial history and its place in the Portuguese identity. In order to best understand the development of Portuguese Imperial Nostalgia, and how it affects the Portuguese perspective about its place in Europe and the World, this thesis is divided into three chapters. The first chapter is a critical reading of the works of Gilberto Freyre, introducing and analyzing his theory and how it became central to the Lusotropicalism embraced by the ‘Estado Novo.’ The second chapter focus on Nostalgia and the influence of Fernando Pessoa’s works, analyzing how the Salazarism’s Lusotropicalism was adapted into a contemporary form of imperial nostalgia within the context of the democratization of Portugal. The last chapter discuss how the narrative of imperial nostalgia affects Portugal both internally and externally, showing how imperial nostalgia became central to Portuguese society and identity, as the official narrative recentered Portuguese self-perception around the poetic nostalgia of their past glories and empire. Consequently, this national nostalgia is so prevalent that even when rejected by a percentage of the population, it still lead many others to embrace their connection to their former empire. This created a division in focus that makes Portugal, despite the country being an integral part of Europe, unwilling to truly embrace the unification and aspirations of the continent.Show less
It this thesis I intend to unveil the constructed nature of the Austrian post-war identity narratives and the consequences they continue to have today. I will investigate how, after the Second...Show moreIt this thesis I intend to unveil the constructed nature of the Austrian post-war identity narratives and the consequences they continue to have today. I will investigate how, after the Second World War, the conferment of the political neutrality status enabled Austria to reinvent its national identity and withdraw from war guilt. The constructed narratives consist of elements from the history of its imperial and pre-war cultural past. These continue to prevail and despite the emergence of a counter-narrative.Show less
The Cyprus Dispute of 1974 has never been resolved. The two majority communities of the Greek and Turkish Cypriots live under divided terms, however, there is currently little physical violence...Show moreThe Cyprus Dispute of 1974 has never been resolved. The two majority communities of the Greek and Turkish Cypriots live under divided terms, however, there is currently little physical violence between the two communities. Efforts to resolve the conflict have proven stubbornly unsuccessful. The island of Cyprus is of global geostrategic significance and has a complicated and rich history concerning identity. Most of the literature on the Cyprus Dispute concerns the peace efforts of the United Nations and the islands guarantors Greece, Turkey and The United Kingdom. This thesis, however, forms a comparative analysis of the different perceptions of the Turkish and Greek Cypriot people at both a national and local level, analysing the involvement of the European Union in the Cyprus Dispute. The paper is based on research of a multidisciplinary approach of culture, politics and history. Qualitative data from journalistic articles and statements from political representatives have been analysed to interpret the perspectives of both the Greek and Turkish Cypriot communities. Concluding remarks draw on the role of the European Union in the Cyprus Dispute. It will reveal how identity issues and the recognition of two distinct identity groups is paramount and often overlooked by the European Union. Failure to recognise these dynamics has played a significant part in sustaining the hostilities between the divided communities.Show less
The left-right binary as a concept is often too narrow and confined to serve as an explanation for complex political developments and changes. There are too many variables and incremental...Show moreThe left-right binary as a concept is often too narrow and confined to serve as an explanation for complex political developments and changes. There are too many variables and incremental differences between parties to place them on a spectrum solely based on a one-dimensional left-right understanding. Introducing a more detailed measurement is going to be challenging, to act as a substitute for the reductionist concept of left and right, as it is well rooted in the political discourse. In the case of the Green party in Germany, with the help of sophisticated variables such as the economy, migration politics and security, it is possible to delineate the party during a fixed time span. The analysis of the election programs from the last three national elections in Germany show that the Greens have not seized right-wing values but have toned down their commitment to left ones. There are clear indicators across all three assess variables that demonstrate a move away from the party’s traditionally socialist stance towards a less nuanced position of the center. Thus, an abandoning process can be detected and analyzed, which infers closer ties to center voters. To learn more about this development of the party, it is necessary to analyze more documents by the Greens like further election programs but also speeches and other statements as well as material about the party by political scientists or the party representatives’ behavior in the Bundestag. However, these endeavors go far beyond the scope of this thesis. Regarding the origins of the discovered shift, it is unclear, if it has occurred due to the initial entrance of the AfD or other major events that influenced the political sphere in Germany like the tragic terror attacks, or if the shift originated from an intrinsic motivation. The change in leadership, from a mixed constellation to solely “Realos” at the helm may indicate a long-term development of the party with a greater emphasis on pragmatism and flexibility than fundamental values. In the aftermath of the breakdown of the “Jamaika” talks, the Greens’ reputation and standing has not deteriorated as much as the FDP’s. Therefore, the trajectory of the Greens is difficult to predict (Spiegel Online 2017). The results of the aforementioned elections for the Green party are non-linear. In 2009 the Greens gained 10.7 percent of all the votes, followed by a drop in the next election with 8.4 percent on a domestic level. In the 2017 election they managed to recover and received 8.9 percent of the total votes (Statistisches Landesamt Baden-Württemberg 2017). When comparing the results with the SPD who went from 23 percent in the 2009 election to 25.7 percent in 2013 to 20.5 percent in 2017, the Greens managed to stabilize their party and avoid a further drop (Statistisches Landesamt Baden-Württemberg 2017). While comparing the results the observation that the Greens have benefitted from their shift in policies is partially correct. How the party is going to fare when populist parties such as the AfD continue to amass support and influence is a question that does not have to be limited to the Greens but can be asked of all major parties. German politics are experiencing turbulences and it remains to be seen when a more serene course is chosen. Consequently, public speeches delivered with such emotion and conviction, as the aforementioned speech by Cem Özdemir, may not remain an exception.Show less
Bachelor thesis | Film- en literatuurwetenschap (BA)
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In pogingen een moreel oordeel te vellen over dieren wordt er regelmatig gebruik gemaakt van vergelijkingen tussen mensen en dieren. Dit onderzoek naar problematiek rondom betekenis, representatie...Show moreIn pogingen een moreel oordeel te vellen over dieren wordt er regelmatig gebruik gemaakt van vergelijkingen tussen mensen en dieren. Dit onderzoek naar problematiek rondom betekenis, representatie en de politiek van vergelijkingen werpt licht op de vraag waarom dergelijke vergelijkingen niet tot ondubbelzinnige morele oordelen leiden.Show less
Bachelor thesis | Film- en literatuurwetenschap (BA)
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The purpose of this dissertation is to establish to what extent the wolf and the hunter in Little Red Riding Hood stories have, over time, developed into complex characters that will allow for a...Show moreThe purpose of this dissertation is to establish to what extent the wolf and the hunter in Little Red Riding Hood stories have, over time, developed into complex characters that will allow for a wide variety of masculine role models. To achieve this, four versions of the tale have been analysed and compared: “Le Petit Chaperon Rouge” by Charles Perrault, “Rotkäppchen” by the Brothers Grimm, “The Company of Wolves” by Angela Carter, and Princess of the Silver Woods by Jessica Day George. This dissertation is meant as an addition to the existing feminist discourse on gender and fairy tales and the theoretical framework exists mainly of historical context to Perrault’s version of the story, Judith Butler’s theory of gender as a construct, Alexander Boon’s definition of the hero figure as masculine role model, and Riki Lane’s views on the relation between nature and nurture. Concluded, these male role models have become more complex, but they still offer only a limited array of masculine role models accepted by contemporary mainstream culture. It is important for this to change and more research into this topic is advisable.Show less
This thesis aims at understanding in which ways humour and satire affect German identity and trauma in relation to the Holocaust. Using three different films as case studies I show that one shouldn...Show moreThis thesis aims at understanding in which ways humour and satire affect German identity and trauma in relation to the Holocaust. Using three different films as case studies I show that one shouldn't worry about the normalisation through the use of satire but that it serves as a coping mechanism and a tool "work through" the trauma.The increase use of humour, I argue, is a symptom of resistance against the current approach to Holocaust education in Germany and helps challenge certain views of the past.Show less
