Scholars commonly analyze Lebanon in terms of fragility or weakness. However, its history says that it is also a refugee country where multiple communities have settled after facing persecution....Show moreScholars commonly analyze Lebanon in terms of fragility or weakness. However, its history says that it is also a refugee country where multiple communities have settled after facing persecution. One of these communities is the Palestinian, which arrived in Lebanon in the mid-20th century. Over the years, Palestinian refugees have developed multiple and intertwined means of political agency in this country. This research aims to understand which have been these means, how they have been used, and what have been their potential effects on Lebanon’s domestic politics.Show less
ISIS children: doomed childhood? An analysis of Dutch foreign policy on non-active repatriation of Dutch children of suspected ISIS fighters. It elaborates on the existence of islamophobia and rise...Show moreISIS children: doomed childhood? An analysis of Dutch foreign policy on non-active repatriation of Dutch children of suspected ISIS fighters. It elaborates on the existence of islamophobia and rise of populism in Europe, and compares the Dutch policy with that of other European countries that did not repatriate, and countries that did repatriate children as their national citizens and why. This thesis researches what are countries' obstacles for active repatriation of these children, and what are the international binding agreements claiming about the situation. All to answer the main question: Why does Dutch foreign policy on Dutch children of suspected ISIS fighters not entail active repatriation?Show less
This thesis deals with the territorial integrity of Iraq within American foreign policy, and argues that American support of Iraq's territorial integrity hinges on strategic assumptions and wishful...Show moreThis thesis deals with the territorial integrity of Iraq within American foreign policy, and argues that American support of Iraq's territorial integrity hinges on strategic assumptions and wishful thinking. By reviewing the history of American foreign policy in regards to the territorial integrity of Iraq, and zooming in on the policies of the Clinton and Bush W. Bush administrations, this thesis explains how the idea of a unitary Iraq has become so persistent within American foreign policy.Show less
An analysis of the emotive portrayal of Dutch-Israeli relations by Dutch scholarship, looking at three case studies between the years 1979-1982 to see if there is sufficient empirical evidence for...Show moreAn analysis of the emotive portrayal of Dutch-Israeli relations by Dutch scholarship, looking at three case studies between the years 1979-1982 to see if there is sufficient empirical evidence for this emotive portrayal in academic studies.Show less
The Middle East has seen increases in sectarian violence in the last decades. Critics of Iran accuse the country of having a Shi'a sectarian agenda and of stoking tensions. The academic mainstream...Show moreThe Middle East has seen increases in sectarian violence in the last decades. Critics of Iran accuse the country of having a Shi'a sectarian agenda and of stoking tensions. The academic mainstream literature on the topic is occupied with the puzzle of "How ideological/rational is Iran?" which leads to problems of ambiguity by assuming a unitary foreign policy on a dichotomous spectrum. This thesis critically assesses the Iranian foreign policy puzzle concerning sectarian ideology and reformulates its research question to "How does sectarianism factor into Iranian foreign policy?" and argues that domestic factional structures, translated through institutions, lead to sectarian features of the state's leading ideology, namely Khomeinism, being factored into the country's foreign policy decision making. A new factional analytical framework centred around interpretations of Khomeinist doctrine is developed and applied to events which are said to have led to increased sectarianism on a regional level.Show less
The attacks of the Islamic State to cultural heritage in Syria and Iraq have been described by UNESCO and other international organizations as a strategy of "cultural cleansing". However, the...Show moreThe attacks of the Islamic State to cultural heritage in Syria and Iraq have been described by UNESCO and other international organizations as a strategy of "cultural cleansing". However, the concept was rejected multiple times in the framework of international law, and now amounts to a groundless menace, incapable of generating consequences for the perpetrators. This thesis uses critical concept analysis to understand why international organizations keep using the concept "cultural cleansing" despite its recurrent exclusion from international law, and what consequences this concept encompasses.Show less
The study delves into the convoluted relationship between women and war and analysis the reasons that led Israel and Palestine to admit women in their combat units in the early 2000s.
Since its foundation in 1996, Al Jazeera and its English subsidiary Al Jazeera English, established in 2006, have revolutionized the Middle Eastern news media landscape by critically reporting on...Show moreSince its foundation in 1996, Al Jazeera and its English subsidiary Al Jazeera English, established in 2006, have revolutionized the Middle Eastern news media landscape by critically reporting on events in the immediate region and by emphasizing the experiences of people from the Global South. This lead to the coining of the term ‘the Al Jazeera effect’ by Philip Seib. However, the only directive issued by its main sponsor, the Qatari government, is that it should not put the monarchy in a negative light. While different countries in the Middle East have begun following Qatar’s footsteps by establishing English-language news media of their own, an issue that is materializing in parallel is the worldwide declining trust in the news media. As various news networks around the globe are seeing their credibility—the quality of being trusted—questioned, this thesis ties these two developments together by asking how Al Jazeera English, as well as two of its English-language competitors in the region, being PressTV from Iran and TRT World from Turkey, go about establishing their credibility. More particularly, how do these three networks fare when they report on a conflict in their proverbial backyard, the Syrian Civil War, the outcome of which concerns Qatar, Iran, and Turkey alike? By borrowing from the existing scholarly literature on the analysis of news media credibility, this thesis looks at YouTube material on the Syrian Civil War in the first five months of 2019 from the flagship current affairs discussion program on each network, Inside Story on Al Jazeera English, The Debate on PressTV, and The Newsmakers on TRT World in order to demonstrate whether the latter two networks cater for their own ‘effect’ in the Middle Eastern news media arena. Moreover, this thesis hopes to expand our understanding of how we should view the three news outlets: as critical watchdogs of political institutions, or as mouthpieces for their respective governments.Show less
The Kurdish question of statehood has been relevant for centuries, and the debate has especially flared up in light of the Kurdish assistance against ISIS, and the 2017 referendum for a Kurdish...Show moreThe Kurdish question of statehood has been relevant for centuries, and the debate has especially flared up in light of the Kurdish assistance against ISIS, and the 2017 referendum for a Kurdish state. Up to this day, and for over a century, the Kurdish tribes have struggled to find a structure of self-governance in the form of an autonomous state. Despite having been a culture present in the Middle East in history and tradition from before the arrival of both the Turks and the Arabs, they seem to have been left out when cultures such as the two latter transformed their respective social structures to statehood. During the creation of many Middle Eastern states, and afterwards during the period in which these consolidated their domestic structures, the Kurdish tribes were involuntarily assimilated into a number of “new” states after the fall of the Ottoman empire. Once in submission of their new boundaries, the Kurdish peoples had to accept a variety of foreign realities concerning their own political, economic, and social beliefs. This thesis concerns itself with the relationship between Tribalism and Democracy, and how 'the tribe' as both a social structure and a signifier of identity can be both a stimulant and an impediment to nationalism.Show less
This thesis explores Saudi Arabia’s power behavior towards Lebanon in order to explore the pattern of Saudi Arabia’s waning influence. After all, it is among the most powerful regional actors and...Show moreThis thesis explores Saudi Arabia’s power behavior towards Lebanon in order to explore the pattern of Saudi Arabia’s waning influence. After all, it is among the most powerful regional actors and wields immense financial as well as religious resources compared to lightweight Lebanon. Nevertheless, Saudi action in Lebanon backfires seemingly frequently, either strengthening its opponents or weakening its allies. It is argued that Saudi Arabia is very capable of using their economic might in Lebanon; however, the more they strangle Lebanon the more likely Lebanon is to fall into Iran’s open arms. This, in turn, hurts Saudi Arabia’s overarching goal of regional influence and limiting Iran’s expansionism. On top of that, Saudi’s credibility, trust and legitimacy were thwarted after the 2009 elections and especially after the 2017 Hariri debacle in Lebanon. While prioritizing immediate national interest is natural for any country, Saudi Arabia’s policies disregarded the Lebanese target population’s perception and failed to achieve its regional interest with regards to pushing back Iranian influence. Hence, its prematurely hard power-driven policy pushed its allies away into the open arms of Iran. Saudi Arabia indeed has immense soft power resources, which, however, it has been largely ineffective in utilizing thus far. After all, it has become evident that despite its small size, Lebanon is the stage for regional power play. If Saudi Arabia continues to employ such a miscalculated policy, it will threaten its regional standing despite its immense, yet waning, economic might. Consequently, an unbalanced use of soft and hard power behavior of Saudi Arabia results in a cost inefficient foreign policy. Instead of self-defeating its efforts, it should be in Saudi’s self-serving interest to winning the hearts and minds of the people for effective power conversion and a strong standing to challenge Iran.Show less
Internecine conflicts have been going on in the Republic of Yemen almost from the moment that the republic was established in 1990. However, what distinguishes the most recent bouts of fighting...Show moreInternecine conflicts have been going on in the Republic of Yemen almost from the moment that the republic was established in 1990. However, what distinguishes the most recent bouts of fighting from past clashes is the way religion has been brought into the fray. Antigovernment Houthis have stated that they are defending their unique Zaydi version of Islam against Wahhabi/Salafi subversion. Those leading the pro-government faction increasingly portray the conflict as part of the larger struggle against Iranian/Shia infringement of Sunni areas. Constructivist theories of international relations can go some way in helping to understand these recent developments. The definition of an “identity” – whether in terms of religion, ethnicity or culture – serves as a rallying point for a collective body that perceives itself as being under some kind of threat. Hence, as the Saudi military coalition encroached into Houthi-controlled areas in the west and north of Yemen, the Houthis promoted their distinct ethno-religious identity to help mount resistance. In addition, the Houthis focused on their Shia identity to gain support from Iran, the traditional defender of Shia Muslims, as well as from the international community, which generally condemns ethnic or religious discrimination. As for the opposing side in the Yemeni government, explaining the conflict in terms of not only Iranian but also Shia expansionism (the two generally being seen as synonymous) helps to secure continued Saudi support. This paper evaluates how this kind of political sectarianism is framed by Yemeni leaders and spokespeople of the two sides in their public comments – largely speeches, interviews and official statements. At the same time, it takes a broader perspective and applies the same kind of analysis to the stories published by key regional news outlets. By putting this frame analysis into a simple “then vs now” comparison, this paper seeks to determine whether sectarianism has in some way grown worse over the last five years. It is the contention of this paper that, although there is an endemic sectarian element to the Yemen conflict, this is largely exaggerated by observers who claim that it is its main driver. The apparent increase in the religiosity among the opposing parties can be traced to the presence of foreign sponsors, who have a vested interest in portraying the conflict as part of something that transcends base power politics.Show less
This thesis asks how the rise of religious Zionism after the Yom Kippur War (1973) can be explained. This rise is puzzling, because whereas religious Zionism became more popular after the Six Day...Show moreThis thesis asks how the rise of religious Zionism after the Yom Kippur War (1973) can be explained. This rise is puzzling, because whereas religious Zionism became more popular after the Six Day War (1967), this stemmed from the euphoria associated with the victory and the annexation of Jerusalem. The Yom Kippur War, in contrast, led to uncertainty, protests and delegitimation of the government. Why then, was religious Zionism not reduced in popularity but strengthened instead? Apart from researching this question, this thesis focuses on the relation between the religionization of Israeli society and the rise of religious Zionism. In the second chapter, the details of religionization in Israel are researched through statistics, secondary literature and primary sources. What aspects of society had been religionized, and in what ways? Chapter three analyzes the previous literature on the subject in light of the evidence found in the previous chapter, but also scrutinizes whether there actually was a causal relationship between religionization and religious Zionism. Although this research found no conclusive evidence on the causal relationship between religionization and the popularity of religious Zionism, it does confirm other reasons behind its rise. Firstly, religious Zionists framed themselves as the new generation of pioneers, in contrast to the Labor government which took the blame for the Yom Kippur War. Moreover, the religious Zionists downplayed the influence on earthly events on the redemption of the Jewish people, which made the movement able to survive the setback that the Yom Kippur War arguably formed. Finally, secular ethno-nationalists were also attracted to religious Zionism as they shared a common goal: keeping the occupied (or ‘liberated’) territories.Show less
This thesis asks why the ongoing conflict between Palestinians and Israelis, has become a prominent issue within the British Labour Party. Further, it seeks to examine whether or not positions on...Show moreThis thesis asks why the ongoing conflict between Palestinians and Israelis, has become a prominent issue within the British Labour Party. Further, it seeks to examine whether or not positions on the conflict and expressions of solidarity with the Palestinians by members of the Party follow a general trend, and which external and internal factors have brought about the relative prominence of the conflict within the Party. It uses textual and discourse analysis to examine these questions and focuses on the formation of discourses around Palestine in the elite of the Labour party in the post-war period, with a particular focus on the period following the 1973 October war.Show less
In the last several years, Turkey’s relationship with the EU has strongly deteriorated over the country’s equally deteriorating human rights conditions. However, there was a time when Turkey was...Show moreIn the last several years, Turkey’s relationship with the EU has strongly deteriorated over the country’s equally deteriorating human rights conditions. However, there was a time when Turkey was dedicated to its reform process for the purpose of EU accession. As the EU views itself as a normative power, and it had been relatively successful in advancing minority rights in the CEECs, why had it not been able to do the same in Turkey? This thesis researched: why was the EU unable to advance the Aramean property cases during the height of Turkey’s accession negotiations (2005-2011)? It tested this question based on Nye’s (2008) use of smart power, wherein public diplomacy plays a central role. Additionally, it tested Schimmelfennig & Sedelmeier’s (2004) application of carrots and sticks in the case of EU accession. It found that, with regard to Turkey in the Aramean property case, the EU failed to engage in public diplomacy and lacked credibility to effectively apply its carrots and sticks against Turkey.Show less
The Ulster Loyalist community of Northern Ireland have long regarded themselves as a people besieged by Irish Republican ideology. While lacking international support, the Loyalists have formed a...Show moreThe Ulster Loyalist community of Northern Ireland have long regarded themselves as a people besieged by Irish Republican ideology. While lacking international support, the Loyalists have formed a geographically and culturally unusual bond with the State of Israel. Loyalist support for Israel increased visibly during the 2002 Intifada and Loyalists continue to make declarations of support for Israel. Yet, the governing Likud Party in recent years has commemorated Zionist insurgents, who committed acts of terror against the British administration in the 1940s. The Israeli government’s actions have led to criticism from the Her Majesty’s British government, which the Loyalist community aims to stand alongside, to maintain the Union and prevent the triumph of Irish Republicanism. Despite British public support for Israel declining during the past few decades, Ulster Loyalist support for the Jewish State is believed to be one of the strongest in Europe.Show less
