The issue on school dropouts has a great effect on societies and when a country faces the problem, it is mostly the largest problem in its educational system. This counts as well for Puerto Rico,...Show moreThe issue on school dropouts has a great effect on societies and when a country faces the problem, it is mostly the largest problem in its educational system. This counts as well for Puerto Rico, the island faces a problem with school dropouts and it is clear that intervention programs are desired to give support on solving this problem and therewith to increase Quality Of Life (QOL) of youth. In Puerto Rico, Puerto Rico Youth ChalleNGe Academy (PRYCA), is one of these intervention programs and therewith, this field research answers the following research question: “How does PRYCA contribute to the quality of life of its students?”Show less
Esta tesis busca analizar en qué medida la innovación social constituye un avance en términos de participación ciudadana. La participación ciudadana en Latinoamérica se ha visto como una...Show moreEsta tesis busca analizar en qué medida la innovación social constituye un avance en términos de participación ciudadana. La participación ciudadana en Latinoamérica se ha visto como una herramienta que permite mejorar la calidad de la democracia y a su vez permite encontrar soluciones a problemáticas sociales de una manera más efectiva. Esta tesis pretende entender la relación entre innovación social y participación ciudadana a través del caso de estudio del Parque científico de innovación social (PCIS) de la Universidad Minuto de Dios en Colombia. Se realizo el trabajo de campo en PCIS y se utilizaron herramientas de investigación cualitativas como entrevistas y la observación participante. Los resultados de la investigación indican que la innovación social cuenta con un gran potencial como espacio de expresión y de concertación para la búsqueda de soluciones a problemáticas que no han podido ser resueltas por el Estado. Sin embargo no se puede considerar como una verdadera forma de participación ciudadana, puesto que, aún hay aspectos por mejorar como por ejemplo la presencia real y directa del Estado.Show less
In 2008, Brazil introduced a new public policy called the Unidade de Policía Pacificadora (UPP), specifically aimed at improving security within the favelas (slums) of Rio de Janeiro. The level of...Show moreIn 2008, Brazil introduced a new public policy called the Unidade de Policía Pacificadora (UPP), specifically aimed at improving security within the favelas (slums) of Rio de Janeiro. The level of excessive violence in combination with the permanent presence of the police as a result of the programme sparked a lot of international attention. The UPP programme, however, also has a second objective after a specific level of security is achieved, which is to improve citizenship of the residents living within these areas. This study focuses on the latter objective in order to analyse the level of success of this programme in relation to the improvement of citizenship of the favela residents. Furthermore, the approach of the perspective of the state is used in the history and analysis, to focus on the role of the state in addressing complex issues in neglected areas. By understanding and explaining the difficult historical relations between the state and favelas and the residents, and by analysing previous initiatives aimed at inclusion and integration of the favelas and its residents, this study gives a brief overview of the history of the dualities in the city of Rio de Janeiro. The analysis of the UPP programme uses four main lenses through which the level of citizenship is analysed: a) recognition; b) inclusion; c) participation; and d) integration.Show less
This thesis provides an in-depth analysis on the #NiUnaMenos movement in Argentina which will show that the movement has correctly framed its social movement action by being congruent and having...Show moreThis thesis provides an in-depth analysis on the #NiUnaMenos movement in Argentina which will show that the movement has correctly framed its social movement action by being congruent and having credibility which has resulted into a unification of power through mass mobilization which has directly confronted the state and society in general. Therefore #NiUnaMenos can be described as an influential actor to combat violence against women in Argentina.Show less
Because Kirchner was elected in a time of political disenchantment, it was necessary for him to show his worth and respond to the population’s demands. The realm of human rights violations was a...Show moreBecause Kirchner was elected in a time of political disenchantment, it was necessary for him to show his worth and respond to the population’s demands. The realm of human rights violations was a grand opportunity to revive political interest and gain legitimacy in Argentina. In such a context, Kirchner’s democratic “Republica” should have been exemplary in the respect of human rights, or so was thought. Several articles and CELS reports have shown that human rights violations still occurred under Kirchner. However, this information seems to be mostly disregarded in Argentina considering that Kirchner is still the most popular president in the country’s history (Manzetti, 176). In the hope of understanding how this dissonance came to be, this piece will assess how Kirchner’s human rights discourse allowed him to deal with past human rights violations while avoiding scrutiny for present ones.Show less
Research master thesis | Latin American Studies (research) (MA)
open access
La caída del historico Partido Colorado (PC) uruguayo en las elecciones de 2004 suma este partido a una lista creciente de partidos históricos latinoamericanos que se derrumbaron de una elección a...Show moreLa caída del historico Partido Colorado (PC) uruguayo en las elecciones de 2004 suma este partido a una lista creciente de partidos históricos latinoamericanos que se derrumbaron de una elección a otra. La gran parte de la literatura ha tendido a enfocarse sobre los actores emergentes, los nuevos partidos políticos, dejando inadvertido lo que ocurrió a los partidos longevos. Este trabajo trata de llenar este hueco explicando el caso colorado (1984-2004) a través del concepto de ‘dilución de marca’. Por un lado, se trata del abandono del partido político de sus posiciones políticas históricas. Por otro lado, refiere a la convergencia con otros partidos, frecuentemente acérrimos enemigos históricos, a través del compartir posiciones políticas y del gobierno. Este proceso erosiona la identificación partidaria, lo cual se repercute en contratiempos, provocando una caída brusca y profunda.Show less
In deze studie zal de invloed van extractivisme op de economische ontwikkeling op nationaal en lokaal niveau sinds in Ecuador de aanstelling van Rafael Correa in 2007 beschreven worden. Het...Show moreIn deze studie zal de invloed van extractivisme op de economische ontwikkeling op nationaal en lokaal niveau sinds in Ecuador de aanstelling van Rafael Correa in 2007 beschreven worden. Het onderzoek zal gebaseerd worden op een casus-studie van Yasuní nationaalpark. Daarbij zal gekeken worden naar tegenstrijdigheden van het postneoliberaal beleid in relatie met olie-exploitatie.Show less
The aim of this study is to identify the neopopulistic characteristics in Jose Mujica's rhetoric between 2009 and 2015. Although Mujica isn't usually described as a populist, I will show that there...Show moreThe aim of this study is to identify the neopopulistic characteristics in Jose Mujica's rhetoric between 2009 and 2015. Although Mujica isn't usually described as a populist, I will show that there are certain neopopulistic characteristics to be found in his rhetoric. Firstly. I will discuss the theory of populism and neopopulism. Secondly, I will analyze the characteristics that are prevalent in two of Mujica's speeches, three interviews and a short documentary. Finally, I discuss the results from this analysis, and show that neopopulism is a dynamic concept with its appearance and form depends on historic, geographic and political actors.Show less
In Uruguay is sinds 10 december 2013 de drug Cannabis sativa, onder het bewind van president José Mujica, gelegaliseerd. Volgens de nieuwe wet mogen gebruikers van 18 jaar en ouder daar 40 gram...Show moreIn Uruguay is sinds 10 december 2013 de drug Cannabis sativa, onder het bewind van president José Mujica, gelegaliseerd. Volgens de nieuwe wet mogen gebruikers van 18 jaar en ouder daar 40 gram Cannabis sativa kopen in door de staat aangewezen winkels. Gebruikers mogen thuis tot zes planten telen en verenigingen mogen tot 90 planten per jaar telen en oogsten. Voorstanders van deze nieuwe wetgeving op het gebied van Cannabis Sativa zijn van mening dat de gereguleerde teelt en handel van deze drug zal helpen de georganiseerde misdaad te bestrijden. De Verenigde Naties kijken anders aan tegen de decriminalisering en regulering van Cannabis sativa in Uruguay; door het ondertekenen van de 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs door alle VN‐lidstaten moet deze drug als onomstotelijk illegaal worden beschouwt. De VN heeft niet alleen kritiek op de gezondheidsrisico’s van deze drug, zoals verslaving en geheugenproblemen, maar vooral op de illegaliteit als zodanig. De 1961 Single Convention on Narcotic Drugs is door alle VN‐lidstaten getekend en het is daarbij niet toegestaan zomaar unilateraal een drug te legaliseren; dit wordt gezien als een overtreding. De VN dreigt daarbij ook met sancties tegen Uruguay, maar kan deze niet opleggen door legale restricties. UNASUR probeert de VN ook te nuanceren in de vijandelijke houding die de VN aanneemt. Het beeld dat wordt geschetst door UNASUR en de VN van het nationale imago van Uruguay is overwegend negatief. Echter, door het feit dat alle UNASUR landen overwegend positief zijn, vindt dit negatieve beeld vooral plaats buiten de Latijns‐Amerikaanse regio. Het beeld dat door de Argentijnse kranten Clarín, La Nación en Página 12 in de media wordt geschetst van het nationale imago van Uruguay is overwegend positief. Uit deze kranten komt veel positief en neutraal commentaar naar voren. Zo wordt er geschreven dat Argentijnse bedrijven erover denken om Cannabis sativa te gaan produceren voor Uruguay en wordt er gespeculeerd dat Argentinië mogelijk het tweede land kan zijn dat deze drug gaat decriminaliseren. In deze kranten komen veel positieve woorden naar voren, zoals ‘la otra cara de la guerra’, ‘la hora de empezar a escuchar’, ‘otros caminos posibles’. Deze titels suggereren dat Argentinië mogelijk ook aan het kijken is naar alternatieven zoals decriminalisering en dat zij de legalisering van de drug in Uruguay ook zien als een sociaal experiment, zoals UNASUR. De negatieve kritiek kwam uit een andere hoek; de Uruguayaanse krant El País geeft aan dat zowel Argentinië als Brazilië bang zijn voor een spillover van Cannabis sativa over de grenzen.Show less
By employing Latin –American strands of dependency theory – complemented by World Systems Theory and a neoliberal view on trade policies – the minutes of the PTPA negotiations are analysed. The...Show moreBy employing Latin –American strands of dependency theory – complemented by World Systems Theory and a neoliberal view on trade policies – the minutes of the PTPA negotiations are analysed. The negotiations were held in 2004 and 2005 between the U.S. and the Andean countries. This resarch focuses on Peru and an attempt is made to assess whether and to what extent the Peruvian government succeeded in balancing the demands of the U.S. government with those of Peruvian civil society and the Peruvian government’s desire to enter into a trade agreement with the U.S.. From examining Peruvian government reports on the agriculture, labour matters and textiles tables it was found that the government at times found its Andean partners to be delaying the negotiations and rather continued bilaterally. Furthermore, evidence was found that the Peruvian government, at least on paper, attempted to represent the interests of the large majority of the Peruvians. To what extent it has succeeded in doing so has been difficult to assess given that the present research is largely based on official government documents. Further research, employing non-governmental Peruvian sources and (official) U.S. documentation on the negotiations, is needed to come to a fuller understanding of the starting positions of both governments and how much each party had given in to the demands of the other.Show less
El Salvador suffers some of the highest rates of violence in the world. Following the end of the civil war, violence in El Salvador remained high with politicians and media outlets blaming maras...Show moreEl Salvador suffers some of the highest rates of violence in the world. Following the end of the civil war, violence in El Salvador remained high with politicians and media outlets blaming maras for being the perpetrators of violence and insecurity in the country. Governments began to employ repressive anti-crime measures to remedy the country of high rates of violence, however, repressive policies were highly ineffective; led to serious prison overcrowding and failed to address the underlining structural causes of the problem. After years of ineffective repressive measures, the diffusion of preventive measures across the region by international actors had a positive impact in the reduction of crime levels and increased the state’s capacity to combat crime and improve citizen security. This thesis explores the effect of citizen security measures on the maras' violence problem in El Salvador. I argue that El Salvador’s shift from repressive anti-crime measures to preventive measures is an effect/result of political networks that incorporate the participation of NGOs, the private sector, civil society, and international community in the formulation of policy to attain citizen security in the country.Show less
The arrival of a Canadian mining company in the Nicaraguan village of Rancho Grande has been met with organised resistance by the local population. This thesis uses Gidden's Stucturation theory to...Show moreThe arrival of a Canadian mining company in the Nicaraguan village of Rancho Grande has been met with organised resistance by the local population. This thesis uses Gidden's Stucturation theory to examine how the mining company and the protest movement have interacted with existing village structures - changing them in the process. Furthermore, it examines how individuals have used their agency to use these changes to their advantage. In doing so it provides an illustration of the social effects that multinational mining companies can have on Latin American communities as well as analysing the relationship between structure and agency.Show less
En el 10 de diciembre de 2013, con la aprobación final de la Ley 19.172 por el Senado uruguayo, Uruguay se convirtió en el primer país del mundo en aprobar legislaciones para la legalización...Show moreEn el 10 de diciembre de 2013, con la aprobación final de la Ley 19.172 por el Senado uruguayo, Uruguay se convirtió en el primer país del mundo en aprobar legislaciones para la legalización regulada total de la marihuana. Como consecuencia, se han expresado múltiples intereses en la política, visto que el experimento podría servir de lección para otros países afligidos por una problemática de drogas. Sin embargo, ya que la aplicación de la nueva política aún se encuentra en sus fases iniciales, queda por saber si realmente constituye una alternativa al prohibicionismo de la marihuana. Aunque la política en cuestión es innovadora, precisamente debido a que Uruguay es el primer país en regular legalmente la marihuana en todas sus facetas, aún existen múltiples desafíos que podrían dificultar su aplicación, los cuales se relacionan fuertemente con los aspectos económicos y legales de la droga.Show less
Deze scriptie probeert een weergave te geven van de invloed van de nationale identiteit op de maritieme kwestie in Bolivia. Er wordt gekeken naar het ontstaan van de kwestie, de moeizame...Show moreDeze scriptie probeert een weergave te geven van de invloed van de nationale identiteit op de maritieme kwestie in Bolivia. Er wordt gekeken naar het ontstaan van de kwestie, de moeizame internationale betrekkingen met buurland Chili en de nationalistische aspecten. Een voorbeeld van een nationalistisch geopolitiek beleid is het ontstaan van DIREMAR, een orgaan van de Boliviaanse overheid om de toegang tot zee te bewerkstelligen.Show less
Este trabajo intenta determinar si la creciente demanda externa de quinua está contribuyendo a la construcción de la soberanía alimentaria del Altiplano Sur boliviano, investigar los cambios que se...Show moreEste trabajo intenta determinar si la creciente demanda externa de quinua está contribuyendo a la construcción de la soberanía alimentaria del Altiplano Sur boliviano, investigar los cambios que se están produciendo en el medio ambiente y el estilo de vida de la población, y analizar el rol que está desempeñando el gobierno para garantizar la soberanía alimentaria.Show less
