Integration and the European Union are almost synonymous with each other; you cannot have one without the other. However, it is difficult to reach agreement. Therefore, the controversial method of...Show moreIntegration and the European Union are almost synonymous with each other; you cannot have one without the other. However, it is difficult to reach agreement. Therefore, the controversial method of differentiated integration, which allows for Member States to adapt policies towards their interests, is often utilized. Participation of third countries in EU policies is a cornerstone of DI theory. As its closest ally, the United States has heavily supported and has been involved in European security and defense since the end of the Second World War. This has led to the US being heavily involved in any developments in European security and defense policy. However, US views are never stable as they are known to change from administration to administration and often focus on American primacy. This thesis analyzes the phenomenon of differentiated integration in European security and defense policies and concludes how effective the outcome has been. In an examination of real-world application, DI will further be judged through the effect Europe’s relationship with the United States has on security and defense policies. This leads to the conclusion that, while differentiated integration is heavily flawed and needs to be handled carefully, it is ultimately the ideal solution in accommodating state sovereignty. The United States is also considered a risk due to its influence on European security and defense policies, and the current instability in the government.Show less
In the world’s quest for a greener and more sustainable future, lithium has emerged as a critical metal. In fact, the majority of the world’s lithium resources could be found in the so-called ...Show moreIn the world’s quest for a greener and more sustainable future, lithium has emerged as a critical metal. In fact, the majority of the world’s lithium resources could be found in the so-called ‘Lithium Triangle’ region – comprising Argentina, Chile and Bolivia. Consequently, this region’s role in facilitating global sustainable growth becomes increasingly pivotal, especially in the (near) future. It is therefore of crucial importance for all stakeholders involved in the global supply chain of lithium-ion batteries to understand what drives and shapes lithium governance in the ‘Lithium Triangle’ countries. To achieve the latter, this thesis argues that an explanation of a country’s approach to lithium governance should go beyond a narrow focus on its relationship with commodity prices. Instead, it should engage with a wide range of ideological, cultural, social, historical and economic factors too. By taking such a holistic approach, this thesis seeksto explain differences in lithium governance and, subsequently, the attitude towards transnational lithium companies (TLCs) among the ‘Lithium Triangle’ countries observed over the past fifteen years. As a result, this thesis not only contributes to an increased understanding of lithium governance within the ‘Lithium Triangle’ region. More generally, it also sheds light on what factors influence a country’s natural resource governance, placing it somewhere on the continuum between resource nationalism and resource liberalism.Show less
This dissertation poses the question “How does the climate crisis as a catalyst of armed conflict lead to a massive refugee flow as a form of ecocide?” by taking Syria as a case study. The core...Show moreThis dissertation poses the question “How does the climate crisis as a catalyst of armed conflict lead to a massive refugee flow as a form of ecocide?” by taking Syria as a case study. The core argument defends that there is a clear link between environmental destruction and violence, through a complex and intertwined interplay of ecological, socioeconomic, political, and demographic factors. This causal chain then generates forced displacement, also transcending borders. The thesis argues that the 2011-started Syrian Civil War was a climate-catalyzed conflict, which led to the refugee crisis of the mid-2010s. The concept of ‘ecocide’ serves to stress the lethal impact on both the environment and civilians that Assads’ decades-long dictatorships had. This work of inquiry claims that the Syrian Civil War and its refugee crisis, as two of the most lethal events of the 21st century, have been induced by the global climate crisis and the regional destruction and neglect of the environment. This contention challenges traditional paradigms of armed conflict drivers within International Relations, and broadens the discipline's scope with an interdisciplinary approach. This dissertation showcases the multifold threats the climate crisis, ecocide, armed conflict, and environmental displacement pose for both the planet and humanity.Show less
This thesis analyses how, if at all, the Israeli claim to Jerusalem has evolved since 1948. To answer this question, it compares discourse in The Early Years (1948-1967) and The Post Six-Day War...Show moreThis thesis analyses how, if at all, the Israeli claim to Jerusalem has evolved since 1948. To answer this question, it compares discourse in The Early Years (1948-1967) and The Post Six-Day War Era (1967-2018) periods within three key areas – political, cultural and legal developments. The results show a surface-level evolution of the claim in certain aspects such as the growth of messianism and fundamental legal changes. However, amidst this superficial evolution, a profound substantive consistency prevails across both periods in political and cultural discourse, where the essence remains unchanged, particularly evidenced in the enduring national consensus on the issue and conceptualisation of Jerusalem in the national identity. The implications of this reinforce the notion of a united Jerusalem as a symbolic bedrock of Israel’s existence, historical legitimacy and foundational narrative.Show less
In recent years, a discussion has emerged about the persistence of the Nordic model of welfare. A small but growing body of literature argues financialisation and related processes of marketisation...Show moreIn recent years, a discussion has emerged about the persistence of the Nordic model of welfare. A small but growing body of literature argues financialisation and related processes of marketisation and neoliberalisation to be at the core of the decline - or even the end - of the model. This thesis looks at the cases of Denmark and Norway between 2008 and 2021 in order to determine the extent to which we can still speak of a Nordic model of welfare. A set of indicators is introduced for each of three defining features of the model: universalism, decommodification and government commitment to full employment. Findings indicate that, though the system has weakened in some parts, it would be undue to speak of a strong decline of the Nordic model for the given period of time, let alone the end of it.Show less
Through the lense of environmental justice, this thesis will explore the validity of critiques on Europe’s green transition. Europe is at the forefront of global efforts to combat climate change,...Show moreThrough the lense of environmental justice, this thesis will explore the validity of critiques on Europe’s green transition. Europe is at the forefront of global efforts to combat climate change, most notably with the EU Green Deal, and often proclaims its ambition to be the world’s green leader. However, scholars have raised concerns with regards to the dark side of Europe’s green policies, as they may actually perpetuate colonial relations and harm marginalized communities. This thesis, therefore, will look at three types of critiques, each being strands of the environmental justice theory, namely i. green colonialism, ii. green hypocrisy and iii. carbon colonialism. Each strand will be analyzed through a case study, using both evidence from authorities as well as academic literature. Through the examination of these case studies, this thesis will argue that the concerns regarding Europe’s green transition are valid, particularity showing an absence of responsibly taken by Europe in addressing these critiques. As Europe’s core values are founded upon justice and equality, it becomes crucial to address these concerns adequately, in order to make its green transition truly ‘just’.Show less
Very little has been written on the literature between small and middle power states. The assumption in academic IR literature is that the size of small states automatically makes them vulnerable...Show moreVery little has been written on the literature between small and middle power states. The assumption in academic IR literature is that the size of small states automatically makes them vulnerable and weak, without any power to shape decisions of middle power states. This thesis examines the relationship between small states, the Pacific Islands, and regional middle power Australia. In order to answer the question “How do the Pacific Island States, as small states, attempt to exert influence on climate change decisions over middle power state Australia in the international environment?” this study employs a qualitative research design of small and middle power states. By showing collective leadership through the United Nations, the PIS are able to influence debates and agenda-setting of middle power states on the norm climate change at the international level. However, the influence of small states on Australia’s climate policies is limited and depends on the receptiveness of the Australian government. Yet, the current geopolitical competition between Australia and China occasionally offers the PIS opportunities to pressure the Australian government.Show less
While Mayotte was suddenly thrust into the spotlight in late April 2023, following a large-scale police operation, the Indian Ocean Island remains overlooked and under-researched. Non-sovereign...Show moreWhile Mayotte was suddenly thrust into the spotlight in late April 2023, following a large-scale police operation, the Indian Ocean Island remains overlooked and under-researched. Non-sovereign territories in general are an oft-left aside topic within current nation-state-centred debates and discussions. Even as regionalisation efforts and cross-border cooperation have been gaining traction, these endeavours remain based on different nation-states working together. The study of non-sovereign territories is crucial and needs to be considered carefully within decolonisation studies. Mayotte offers an intriguing case among non-sovereign overseas territories, as it actively chose to remain a French possession and continually petitioned for decades to obtain the most binding legal status - right as several other French overseas territories campaign for independence from the Hexagon. However, as the youngest French départment, Mayotte continues to face many crises and struggles to fit in with the national narrative, compared to the other overseas territories. Following discourse and visual analysis aesthetic, I argue that while Mayotte is indeed subjected to hierarchical relationships within overarching international, national and regional systems, elements of discourse ultimately display a more nuanced position and unveil a richer and more complex reality. Engaging with different sources, the case of Mayotte also sheds light on the limitations of assimilation.Show less
Since the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, Northern Ireland has been transitioning into a peaceful society. To reinvent its reputation and cater to modern needs, its tourist industry has...Show moreSince the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, Northern Ireland has been transitioning into a peaceful society. To reinvent its reputation and cater to modern needs, its tourist industry has looked towards Northern Irish cultural elements which will signify a new, safe Northern Ireland. Despite its efforts to shed its violent past, many travel to the Northern Irish capital of Belfast to learn more about The Troubles. This has created a booming mural tour tradition, in which visitors travel through the city in search of the many murals that tell the stories of the communities involved in the conflict. Northern Irish muralism has since its first use functioned to advocate for political objectives, but has since become the primary tool in advocating the political aims of the dominant ideologies: Nationalism and Unionism. The murals now hold the power to convince viewers of their ideology to create public support out of which political change can be demanded. They are thus potent political instruments, and according by whom or how they are used have significant implications for the future of Northern IrelandShow less
