The last ten years Israel has seen a huge increase in the number of religious women enlisting to the army. This thesis will describe the media discourse regarding the recruitment of religious girls...Show moreThe last ten years Israel has seen a huge increase in the number of religious women enlisting to the army. This thesis will describe the media discourse regarding the recruitment of religious girls in the IDF (Israeli Defense Force) between 2009 and 2018.Show less
Tijdens mijn studie Turkse taal & cultuur heb ik vooral onderzoek gedaan naar de positie van de Osmaanse en Turkse vrouwen. Mijn keuze voor dit onderwerp komt voort uit mijn persoonlijke...Show moreTijdens mijn studie Turkse taal & cultuur heb ik vooral onderzoek gedaan naar de positie van de Osmaanse en Turkse vrouwen. Mijn keuze voor dit onderwerp komt voort uit mijn persoonlijke belangstelling voor de rechten en de plichten van vrouwen in de Turkse samenleving. De publieke moraal en de sociale controle waarmee de vrouw anno 2019 nog steeds mee te maken heeft, was tevens één van de redenen om aan deze studie te beginnen. Gedurende mijn zoektocht naar informatie over de ontwikkelingen van vrouwenrechten in Turkije heb ik het boek van Şefika Kurnaz Cumhuriyet öncesinde Türk kadını (Turkse vrouw voor de republiek) bestudeerd. Ik heb haar boek veelvuldig gebruikt in mijn onderzoek. In de inleiding schrijft Şefika Kurnaz het volgende; “Halbuki, kadın haklarının günümüzde ulaştığı merhalenin laikiyle anlaşılabilmesi için Cumhuriyet öncesi devirlerdeki gelişmelerin gün ışığına çıkarılmasına ihtiyaç vardır.” (Echter, om de bereikte ontwikkelingen op het gebied van vrouwenrechten goed te kunnen begrijpen is er behoefte om de ontwikkelingen voor de republikeinse periode ook in het daglicht te brengen.) Om het heden te begrijpen zijn de ontwikkelingen van het verleden bepalend. Dit maakte dat ik mij vooral gericht heb op de periode vóór de uitroeping van de Turkse Republiek in 1923. De positie van de vrouw binnen de Turkse samenleving, vooral in het westen, heeft zich de laatste jaren weliswaar verder ontwikkeld. Echter naar mijn mening is de positie van de vrouw nog niet evenwichtig en gelijkwaardig genoeg. Dit onderzoek beoogt om de drie belangrijkste elementen die ingezet zijn voor de emancipatie van de Osmaanse vrouwen bijeen te brengen en een bijdrage te leveren aan de bestaande werken. Deze elementen zijn onderwijs, vrouwenverenigingen en vrouwenbladen. In mijn onderzoek zal ik ook aandacht besteden aan de hervormingen die vrouwen meer rechten hebben gegeven. De ontwikkelingen op het gebied van binnenlandse onderwijs, de vrouwenverenigingen die ieder vanuit eigen gedachtengoed ondersteunend zijn geweest voor vrouwen en de vrouwenbladen die vóór de oprichting van de Turkse Republiek zijn verschenen zullen behandeld worden.Show less
Since 2011, the political arena of the Middle East has transformed dramatically by the events known as the “Arab Spring. After years of deep-rooted authoritarianism and autocratic rule, citizens of...Show moreSince 2011, the political arena of the Middle East has transformed dramatically by the events known as the “Arab Spring. After years of deep-rooted authoritarianism and autocratic rule, citizens of many states in the region took to the streets in attempting to embark on a process that would democratize their nation. Scholars argue over the exact reasons for the uprisings, however, consensus exists over the fact that it stems from political, economic, and social dissatisfaction. The revolts started in Tunisia and set a chain reaction in motion, eventually reaching the shores of Gulf Cooperation Council, an economic and political union comprising of the Arabian Gulf States of Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, and the United Arab Emirates. Although the kingdoms of the Arabian Gulf are rather similar in their socio-economic and political build-up, the GCC witnessed both minor and major uprisings kind of revolt and the respective nations responded in different manners to its domestic uprisings. This BA thesis seeks to create a detailed analysis of the distinct nature of the uprisings that took place within the borders of the GCC. Most GCC members experienced some sort of public unrest one way or another with Bahrain and Oman witnessing persistent violent street protests. After doing preliminary readings, it has become clear that the GCC-states can be divided into three different groups based on the intensity of the riots as well as the governments’ responses to the demands of its citizens. The first group consists of those countries that witnessed enduring riots resulting in the deaths among its citizens, like Bahrain, Oman, and Saudi Arabia. The second group of nations consists of those which experienced minor protests that did not result in any deaths among protestors. The only country fitting into this group is Kuwait. Lastly, the governments of both Qatar and the United Arab Emirates did not have to deal with domestic uprisings, however, there was some unrest, especially through online activism. Specifically, my research will attempt to disclose the plausibilities behind the distinct levels of intensity of the civil uprisings which took place in these structurally similar kingdoms. The presence of the rentier state undoubtedly plays a crucial role in the lives of GCC citizens as well as in the preamble of the uprisings in the GCC, however, the question regarding the rationale behind citizens’ discontent as well as the intensity of governments’ counteractions remains. The research for this BA thesis aims at assessing sources through means of qualitative research by examining reports, news articles, nevertheless focussing on engaging with the academic literature on the topic. By analyzing these sources, I will be able to draw analogies and comprehend the discrepancies which took place during the Arab Spring’s civil uprisings in the GCC. Moreover, my thesis will evaluate GCC member states’ different sorts of uprisings and their dissimilar responses to the revolts within their own physical and symbolic space. Additionally, the paper discloses the GCC’s revolts and respective reactions without delving into the main causes of the Arab Spring. The paper is structured as follows. The first section will introduce the GCC’s socio-political climate, the concept of the rentier state, and its usefulness to describe the rationale behind the discrepancies between the civil uprisings in each different country. The central part of the thesis will discuss the GCC’s the dissimilarity in the civil uprisings’ intensities as well as the unalike approach governments took regarding their citizens’ demands. The final section will reveal the research’s findings and draw several conclusions. In addition to this, a prediction will be made for the future based on the reactions and concessions made by governments at the time of the uprisings and whether this will prove beneficial in the long-term.Show less
This thesis aims to reduce the discrepancy between an old Quranic manuscript and the description of the Quran in medieval Quranic literature. Medieval Quranic literature describes the Quran from...Show moreThis thesis aims to reduce the discrepancy between an old Quranic manuscript and the description of the Quran in medieval Quranic literature. Medieval Quranic literature describes the Quran from various angles (such as its ways of recitation, its spelling, its verse divisions etc.) and with this thesis I have shown that an old manuscript (Arabe 330b, found in the BnF) soundly fits the description found in these literary works.Show less
تتناول هذه الورقة البحثية العلاقة الإشكالية في الواقع العربي المعاصر بين العلمانية والإسلام السياسي من خلال تتبع الموقف من هذين الموضوعين لدى اثنين من أعمدة الفكر العلماني في سوريا والعالم العربي....Show moreتتناول هذه الورقة البحثية العلاقة الإشكالية في الواقع العربي المعاصر بين العلمانية والإسلام السياسي من خلال تتبع الموقف من هذين الموضوعين لدى اثنين من أعمدة الفكر العلماني في سوريا والعالم العربي. المفكر الأول هو الفيلسوف السوري صادق جلال العظم الذي عرف بانتقاده الحاد للفكر الإسلامي بشكل عام ولتيارات الإسلام السياسي بشكل خاص أما المفكر الثاني فهو الشاعر علي أحمد سعيد إسبر المعروف بأدونيس والذي يشترك مع العظم في نهجه الرافض للإسلام السياسي والداعي لتغيير جذري في الواقع العربي للاستجابة لتحديات العصر. يركز البحث على موقف المفكرين المذكورين من حدثين مفصليين في المنطقة العربية هما الثورة الإيرانية (1979) والثورة السورية (2011)، وذلك من خلال تحليل ما صدر عنهما من مواقف متضمنة في المؤلفات أو المقالات أو اللقاءات الصحفية لكل منهما, حيث يلحظ تبايناً واضحاً بين موقفهما من هاتين الثورتين بما يطرح تساؤلاً مهماً حول علاقة خلفياتهما المذهبية بالتحولات التي طرأت على موقف كل منهما تجاه الإسلام السياسي خلال هاتين الثورتين. تم تخصيص قسمين منفصلين لتحليل توجهات كلا المفكرين على امتداد حياتهما الفكرية مع إبراز التمايز الكبير في موقفهما من الثورتين السورية والإيرانية ومن المضامين الإسلامية التي حملتها هاتين الثورتين، حيث يبرز تحليل مواقف كل منهما الاتساق المثير للتساؤل بين الانتماء الطائفي لديهما والانحياز للثورة التي يشكل المكون الطائفي الذي ينتميان إليه أكثرية واضحة فيها. الراحل صادق جلال العظم الذي ينتمي بخلفيته المذهبية إلى الإسلام السني أعرب مبكراً عن انتقاده للتجربة الخمينية المستندة للمرجعية الشيعية في حكم إيران وجاهر برفضه لأي دور للإسلام في الحياة السياسية لكن تحولاً كبيراً طرأ على موقفه هذا خلال العقود التي تلت الثورة الإيرانية إلى أن انتهى به المطاف إلى التأييد الكامل وغير المشروط للثورة السورية التي انطلقت من حواضن الأكثرية السنية في سوريا، وذلك بالرغم من حضور الإسلام السياسي الكثيف في تلك الثورة. أما أدونيس ذو الخلفية المذهبية العلوية الأقرب للتشيع فلم يجد حرجاً في أن يكون من أوائل المشجعين للثورة الإيرانية رغم طابعها الإسلامي الواضح ورغم تناقض هذا الدعم مع مجمل طروحاته السابقة، لكنه بالمقابل أظهر تحفظاً واضحاً في إظهار أي قدر من التأييد للثورة السورية واختار الانحياز للنظام البعثي السوري رغم تهجمه المتكرر في السابق على التجربة البعثية في الحكم. القسم الثالث في البحث يتناول ردود الأفعال في الأوساط الثقافية السورية والعالمية على هذه التحولات التي طرأت على توجهات المفكرين والمحاولات الجادة لتفسير هذه التحولات. يخلص البحث إلى أنه بالرغم من تعذر إثبات جنوح واضح لدى أي من المفكرين لتأسيس مواقفهما الفكرية على قواعد انتماءاتهما الطائفية ومع أن التحولات التي شهدتها مواقفهما تجاه الثورتين الإيرانية والسورية لا يمكن الجزم بكونها نتيجة انحياز واع لانتماء طائفي معين، لكن مع كل ما سبق تظل الخلفية الطائفية وما ينتج عنها من ذاكرة جمعية و تصورات ذهنية مسبقة للآخر ونواياه عوامل لا يمكن إنكارها في تشكيل مواقف كلا المفكرين وتحديد توجهاتهما من القضايا المعاصرة ومقاربتهما للعلمانية والإسلام السياسي.Show less
In 2007, the Turkish government launched the “Democratic Opening” in a bid to lessen the tension between the state and other marginalized groups in Turkey. As a part of the “Democratic Opening”,...Show moreIn 2007, the Turkish government launched the “Democratic Opening” in a bid to lessen the tension between the state and other marginalized groups in Turkey. As a part of the “Democratic Opening”, the Alevi Opening played a significant role for the Alevi community which is the second-largest religious community in Turkey. It was the first time the state had created a specific policy focusing on the Alevi population. But this policy did not meet the Alevi group's expectation. This paper will analyse the reasons for the failure of the Alevi Opening.Show less
Dit is een scriptie over tweetalig onderwijs in Israël. Er wordt onderzocht wat de mening is ten aanzien van tweetalig onderwijs van verschillende groepen in de Israëlische samenleving. Er wordt...Show moreDit is een scriptie over tweetalig onderwijs in Israël. Er wordt onderzocht wat de mening is ten aanzien van tweetalig onderwijs van verschillende groepen in de Israëlische samenleving. Er wordt gekeken naar het gedrag van de overheid ten opzichte van tweetalig onderwijs. De hoofdvraag van dit onderzoek is: Wat zijn de meningen van verschillende groepen in de Israëlische maatschappij over het tweetalig Hebreeuws-Arabisch onderwijs dat er in hun land gegeven wordt? Hier wordt antwoord op gegeven aan de hand van onderzoek naar secundaire literatuur.Show less
The dynamics between Sufism and politics in Morocco go back hundreds of years in history, yet they are still seen as relevant to this day. Studying these dynamics can offer invaluable insights into...Show moreThe dynamics between Sufism and politics in Morocco go back hundreds of years in history, yet they are still seen as relevant to this day. Studying these dynamics can offer invaluable insights into the relationship between power and religion in Moroccan society. In this thesis I will examine the development of the Moroccan State’s discourse on Sufism in the 21st century, by analyzing the State’s utterances in the realm of Sufism within the country. In order to present an in-depth analysis, this thesis studies recent scholarly literature on this topic, as well as actual utterances of the Moroccan State in speeches and policy. Moreover, by taking into account the sociohistorical complexities of Sufism and politics in Morocco, I aim at presenting a discourse analysis that is not merely focusing on the present, but also considering the possible connections with the ‘old’ system. Drawing on Foucault’s notion of power and discourse, this thesis also aims at linking the Moroccan State’s powerful position to the discourse on Sufism. I argue that in the 21st century, the Moroccan State’s discourse on Sufism, or sainthood, has become more versatile and complex, due to it is entanglement with political challenges of the 21st century, and its employment under the realm of larger discourses.Show less
National identity is the one of the basic elements of a modern state because the belonging of people to the nation is based on their belonging to their identity. For every Third World country, the...Show moreNational identity is the one of the basic elements of a modern state because the belonging of people to the nation is based on their belonging to their identity. For every Third World country, the defining of national identity and the construction of national belonging is especially crucial to the social stability and the social development. Egyptians identity issue merged in 19th century, when Egyptian intellectuals were influenced by Western “nation state” thought and tried to identify the national identity of Egyptians. From the 19th century to 1967, we can find that the development process of Egyptian nationalism has a clue --- from a vague distinction of “Egyptians” and “un-Egyptians” to an attempt of construction the national history; from “the lack of nationalism” to the struggle between different kinds of nationalism to the dominant of Arabism. However, the disastrous rout of Egypt in 1967 Arab-Israeli War cut down this process and a series of political events in Sadat era was finally resulted in a new identity crisis in Egypt society. In that case, Egyptian government had no option but to re-shape the Egyptian national identity for the sake of repairing the crack of society which made by the identity crisis and maintaining its legitimacy. In Sadat era, Egyptian government amended history textbooks, constructed some new national museums and introduced some new symbols. However, The measures undertaken by the Egyptian government under Sadat did not create a new consensus over what the ‘Egyptian nation’ is. Quite on the contrary, many national identities compete with each other but none of them can be a dominant ideology.Show less
