The future tends to be determined by the legacies of the past. The transition of the eastern European countries, from abolishing Communism to adopting Democracy, suggests just that. These countries...Show moreThe future tends to be determined by the legacies of the past. The transition of the eastern European countries, from abolishing Communism to adopting Democracy, suggests just that. These countries bared traits of their previous un-democratic regimes that have contributed to the democratization process. The relevance of this statement will be analyzed throughout this study, by looking at two specific cases from Eastern Europe which are characterized as successful democratic transitions, namely Poland and the Czech Republic. Despite the relatively similar international and domestic state of affairs prior to the dissolution of the Soviet Union, the newly emerged regimes took different trajectories towards the implementation of democracy. This raises the discussion on the causal variables behind the rather distinctive paths towards democratization, which is argued here to be attributed to the historical legacies of the countries.Show less
This thesis explores the calls for the right to self-determination in the Catalan secessionist movement. By analyzing European law, international law and the context of the Spanish constitution,...Show moreThis thesis explores the calls for the right to self-determination in the Catalan secessionist movement. By analyzing European law, international law and the context of the Spanish constitution, the paper aims to demonstrate within what legal realms is the Catalan community allowed to exercise their democratic rights as citizens to evoke, in this case unilaterally, self-determining claims. Furthermore, the paper seeks to investigate whether or not the EU, as a supranational body, should be obliged to mediate and aid with negotiations between the Catalan and Spanish parties.Show less
By analysing the academic literature on populism, it is clear that there is a lack of consensus in its conceptualisation and classification. Moreover, it is found that an identification of...Show moreBy analysing the academic literature on populism, it is clear that there is a lack of consensus in its conceptualisation and classification. Moreover, it is found that an identification of characteristics related to its electoral success is absent. This study examines the extent to which discourse can serve to classify different types of populism on an international level, while also identifying characteristics related to populist electoral success. In so doing, the paper develops a new classification of populism based on discourse by drawing a distinction between positivistic and negativistic populism. After showing that positivistic populist discourse is related to electoral success in Latin America, the paper studies whether similar positivistic populist discourse appears outside the region. To do so, this study focuses on analysing the extent to which Emmanuel Macron’s electoral victory could be related to the use of a positivistic populist discourse in contrast to Marine Le Pen’s negativistic populism. This is done by examining the actors’ rhetoric used during their 2017 presidential campaigns. The findings reveal that it is possible to have an international identification and classification of populism based on discourse; thus, making a strong argument against the conceptualisation of populism as an ideology or as a political strategy. In addition, these findings show that populist presidential electoral victory is not restricted to Latin America, but also that the category of positivistic populism is related to such an electoral success across regions, whereas negativistic populism is not.Show less
With this contribution I propose to expand the research on crimmigration by conducting two sets of analyses focused on Facebook posts and tweets: a qualitative data analysis and a qualitative...Show moreWith this contribution I propose to expand the research on crimmigration by conducting two sets of analyses focused on Facebook posts and tweets: a qualitative data analysis and a qualitative discourse analysis. In particular, this paper will be focused on the question: How is immigration criminalized in contemporary Western European democracies and how is this discourse exploited by the right-wing populist parties through social networking sites (Facebook and Twitter)?Show less
Decolonising Britain. To what extent did the activities of right-wing groups between 1960-1973 indicate a wider British inability to come to terms with the new post-colonial order?
This thesis deals with the current migration crisis that is dominating the political field in Europe today and how security has come to play a role in the response to manage the migrant influx....Show moreThis thesis deals with the current migration crisis that is dominating the political field in Europe today and how security has come to play a role in the response to manage the migrant influx. Since the September 11 attacks in the United States, migration has become increasingly interlinked with security, within particular the destabilizing effects of migration on internal European security. As a result of the growing sense of a nexus between migration and social disorder, the European political response has shifted more frequently towards the employment of the theory of securitization to manage migration at the external borders. Therefore, this thesis examines the European Union’s political legislation documents to provide an answer to the question; to what extent is migration defined as a security problem and how did that affect the migration discourse and migration policy of the European Union since 2015?Show less
Deze afstudeerscriptie is een case study van drie Ierse Republikeinen, Austin Stack, Michael Fitzgerald en Mary MacSwiney, die in de periode 1916-1923 in hongerstaking gingen om een onafhankelijke...Show moreDeze afstudeerscriptie is een case study van drie Ierse Republikeinen, Austin Stack, Michael Fitzgerald en Mary MacSwiney, die in de periode 1916-1923 in hongerstaking gingen om een onafhankelijke Ierse Republiek te realiseren. Deze scriptie heeft aangetoond hoe deze hongerstakingen gelegitimeerd werden door de Republikeinen en hoe de Ierse bevolking reageerde op de hongerstakingen. De drie cases zijn met elkaar vergeleken om per periode de verschillen te ontdekken in de legitimering van de hongerstakingen en de reactie van de bevolking.Show less
In this thesis, political theory on party discipline is used to shed light on the disunity within the British Labour Party on the European Question during 1965-1975. The managerial regime of the...Show moreIn this thesis, political theory on party discipline is used to shed light on the disunity within the British Labour Party on the European Question during 1965-1975. The managerial regime of the Whip System used to contain rebellious behavior within the MP's of the Labour Party, but was challenged by the growing amount of leftist MP's who considered the EEC too capitalistic. The management of this discord by the party top and Harold Wilson in particular is what is researched in this thesis.Show less
The Falklands War of 1982 was a historical anachronism, a territorial dispute from the 17th century that became an interstate conflict fought with modern weaponry. The War was brief and resulted in...Show moreThe Falklands War of 1982 was a historical anachronism, a territorial dispute from the 17th century that became an interstate conflict fought with modern weaponry. The War was brief and resulted in a decisive British victory, leading many to assume that it was an isolated incident, a flash in the pan that would fade into history, carrying little wider significance. In the modern day, 14 territories, including the Falkland Islands, remain constitutionally linked to the United Kingdom. They are now known as the UK or British Overseas Territories. These are relics of the colonial era that have not achieved independence either by choice or matters of practicality. This thesis proves that the 1982 Falklands War was a conflict of wider significance for the British Overseas Territories in several key areas affecting life and politics in these territories and in the UK itself. This is in contrast to writers who have argued the contrary, that the Falklands War was of no wider significance to Britain's interests overseas.Show less
In de jaren zeventig werd Nederland opgeschrikt door verschillende gijzelingsacties van Molukse jongeren. Na de treinkaping bij Wijster in 1975 was de gijzeling bij De Punt in 1977 de tweede...Show moreIn de jaren zeventig werd Nederland opgeschrikt door verschillende gijzelingsacties van Molukse jongeren. Na de treinkaping bij Wijster in 1975 was de gijzeling bij De Punt in 1977 de tweede treinkaping door Molukkers in korte tijd. De gijzeling bij De Punt werd na bijna drie weken beëindigd door mariniers, die in opdracht van de regering de trein binnenvielen. Daarbij kwamen zes Molukse treinkapers en twee gegijzelden om het leven. Bij de Molukse gemeenschap heerst er veel onvrede over het optreden van de mariniers in de trein. Zij hebben het gevoel dat de treinkapers zijn geëxecuteerd. Bijna veertig jaar later, in 2015, kwam de treinkaping weer nadrukkelijk in het nieuws. Molukse nabestaanden van twee van de treinkapers hebben de Nederlandse staat aangeklaagd voor het executeren van de kapers Max Papilaya en Hansina Uktolseja. In 2018 loopt de rechtszaak nog steeds en worden de mariniers gehoord als getuigen voor hun optreden in de trein. In deze thesis wordt behandeld hoe het komt dat er pas veertig jaar later een rechtszaak wordt aangespannen. Wat is er in deze periode gebeurd? En in hoeverre heeft die Molukse onvrede het beleid van de overheid over de beëindiging van de treinkaping beïnvloed?Show less
In this paper the author examines British foreign policy during the time of the Crimean crisis through the lens of international relations, focusing on the balance of power and concert of Europe...Show moreIn this paper the author examines British foreign policy during the time of the Crimean crisis through the lens of international relations, focusing on the balance of power and concert of Europe respectively. It does so by examining the foreign policy of the two succesive administrations during the crisis (Aberdeen's and Palmerston's) and how these fit into a framework of international relationships. Doing so, the author hopes to find that viewing these policies through a more 'technical lens' provides a new perspective on them.Show less
France is known for the continuous adaption of its Constitution and has lived through five successive Republics. The current Fifth Republic exists since its creation in 1958 by Charles de Gaulle....Show moreFrance is known for the continuous adaption of its Constitution and has lived through five successive Republics. The current Fifth Republic exists since its creation in 1958 by Charles de Gaulle. However, it has been severely criticized for amongst other things: the personalization and extensive powers of the President; the unclear division of the executive; and the limited powers and unrepresentativeness of the parliament. During the 2017 presidential elections in France, centrist Emmanuel Macron and far-leftist Jean-Luc Mélenchon both extensively used these structural deficiencies in their campaigns, and promised a democratic revolution through far-going constitutional and institutional reforms. This research aims to assess whether these criticisms undermined citizens’ support for the political system, and consequently affected the democratic legitimacy of the Fifth Republic. The theoretical framework of system support as established by Pippa Norris and David Easton provides the conceptual framework, and helps to distinguish between diffuse and specific system support and its differing implications for state legitimacy. A political discourse analysis is performed on six speeches of Macron and Mélenchon in order to identify how they framed their propositions. Moreover, the effects of these speeches is determined through an analysis of the media coverage, as to interpret the potential implications for state legitimacy.Show less
Since the 1960s, representative democracy in the “West” has undergone various changes, such as lower voter turnout rate, less party membership, and so on. Faced with these changes, some scholars...Show moreSince the 1960s, representative democracy in the “West” has undergone various changes, such as lower voter turnout rate, less party membership, and so on. Faced with these changes, some scholars maintain that representative democracy is failing; however, some other scholars disagree and consider it more as a transformation rather than a failure. The paper first presents some main points from both sides. Then, it argues that to comprehensively study the changes, scholars should distinguish two ways of representation, conventional one and unconventional ones. We can only be certain about the failure of representative democracy if both ways of representation are in decline. Based on this argument, the paper develops a very preliminary framework that uses quantitative approaches to study the two ways of representation. For conventional representation, voter turnout rate is a key indicator. If the turnout rate is dropping steadily, to a certain extent, conventional representation is declining. Meanwhile, it tests whether the level of ideological polarization has a significant impact on voter turnout rate. For unconventional representation, the rise of e-government deserves our attention. If e-participation is rising, to a certain extent, unconventional representation is rising. Based on the empirical evidence the paper has collected, it concludes that the future of representative democracy is still too soon to tell. Even though conventional representation is in decline, unconventional representation is developing. The changes are more likely to indicate a transformation.Show less
