The Arctic is often perceived to be a vast empty space, the world’s inhospitable and politically unimportant hinterland. Increasingly at the forefront of the global climate change precipice, the...Show moreThe Arctic is often perceived to be a vast empty space, the world’s inhospitable and politically unimportant hinterland. Increasingly at the forefront of the global climate change precipice, the attention the Arctic receives predominantly reflects a passive region that serves as a dire warning of the environmental degradation to come. In reality however, the Arctic is home to over 500,000 indigenous peoples whose heritages reflect thousands of years of subsistence living and adaption to the region’s environment. The political agency of indigenous peoples in the Arctic is integral to the innovative and collaborative space. As a result, indigenous knowledge is an important component for understanding Arctic international relations and developments. However, the narrow framework of mainstream International Relations is unequipped to sufficiently address this reality. This thesis asks: How do Arctic indigenous peoples’ knowledge and perspectives pose a challenge to prevailing International Relations assumptions? With a focus on the challenges and new perspectives that indigenous knowledge offers to the assumptions of state-centrism, agency, cooperation, territoriality, sovereignty and modernity, this thesis endeavours to include indigenous views in a more inclusive and globally representative International Relations. Is it sufficient to analyse the indigenous political role in environmental protection and sustainable development as one of a non-state influence, pressuring states to make environmentally conscious decisions in their policies? Are indigenous political and social arrangements in the Arctic merely an anomaly formation of significant authority within the regular framework of state interactions? This thesis argues that the variety of indigenous beliefs, worldviews, and knowledge provide more discerning and apt frameworks for International Relations theory to understand indigenous peoples’ involvement in Arctic politics.Show less
When looking at the African continent, Africa is now a socially and economically vibrant destination for foreign powers to invest in and has generated interest of traditional Western powers and of...Show moreWhen looking at the African continent, Africa is now a socially and economically vibrant destination for foreign powers to invest in and has generated interest of traditional Western powers and of the newly emerged ‘Southern powers’ such as China. China puts great effort in differentiating themselves from other partners of African nations. China portrays itself as an ‘all-weather friend’ of Africa that strives for changing the economic world order justly in which all (developing) countries have a say. This research looks at how the Chinese government constructs its engagement in Africa as different compared to Western involvement on the African continent, and how this difference is constituted through different strategies of differentiation: historical ties, South-South mutual understanding, Soft Power and Non-conditional development cooperation.Show less
This thesis seeks to assess the foreign policy during the Kenyatta and Moi administration through role theory. Specifically, National Role Conception theory proposed by Holsti(1970) and a content...Show moreThis thesis seeks to assess the foreign policy during the Kenyatta and Moi administration through role theory. Specifically, National Role Conception theory proposed by Holsti(1970) and a content analysis of speeches are utilised to explain foreign policy behaviour in three distinct decades.Show less
This thesis is a critical discourse analysis aimed at deconstructing the Western perception of Brazil’s Olympic campaign as a discourse that emerged in response to Brazil’s Olympic campaign. The...Show moreThis thesis is a critical discourse analysis aimed at deconstructing the Western perception of Brazil’s Olympic campaign as a discourse that emerged in response to Brazil’s Olympic campaign. The aim is to discover how power can be maintained and exercised through political discourses. The case study contributes to the broader debate on the impact of dominant political discourses on the status of emerging states in the global political arena and on the reinforcement of the current social and political reality.Show less
¬This paper examines political discourse in the scope of states’ responses to the global refugee situation around 2015 where the “inhumane treatment of people has become socially acceptable”. It...Show more¬This paper examines political discourse in the scope of states’ responses to the global refugee situation around 2015 where the “inhumane treatment of people has become socially acceptable”. It examines both the blatant and covert ways in which discourse and rhetoric have been used by politicians as tools for maintaining power and order (particularly in the securitization of refugee issues) in the modern era. Through two speeches by former Prime Minister Tony Abbott, the Australian context is utilized as a case study to challenge this dominant narrative which reinforces the historically inequitable relationship between the Global North and South. This critical discourse analysis examines commonly drawn upon themes in postcolonial literature of “othering” that is being attributed to refugee persons. This intersectional study utilizes the framework of [what the author has deemed] the three C’s of colonialism, including: Conquest, Civilization, and Christianity. This paper aims to expose the significance of soft power notions in International Relations such as discourse and rhetoric.Show less
This thesis consists of a research about the economic ties between China and Brazil. By the majority of the scholars, these countries are considered as being part of the Global South. The main goal...Show moreThis thesis consists of a research about the economic ties between China and Brazil. By the majority of the scholars, these countries are considered as being part of the Global South. The main goal of this thesis was to become to know to what extent the economic ties of these countries belong to South-South cooperation. This research has been carried out with the aid of four different case studies. Two of them are about Sino-Brazilian trade. That is to say that in this thesis, a special attention has been paid to Brazil's soybean exports to China as well as to Brazil's import of Chinese manufactured goods. The remaining two case studies are about Chinese investments in Brazil, of which the first one involves The Twin Ocean Railway and the second one entails China's investments in Brazil's oil sector. Another important part of this thesis, which was necessary to be able to answer the research question, is the literature review about South-South cooperation (SSC) and the particular views of Brazil and China on SSC.Show less
This study aims to show why Africa, specifically the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in this case study, seems to lack agency regarding the control of their internal security...Show moreThis study aims to show why Africa, specifically the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in this case study, seems to lack agency regarding the control of their internal security issues. The Malian conflict, which started in 2012, saw the activation of the African-led International Support Mission to Mali (AFISMA) as well as a French military intervention called Operation Serval. However, in July 2013 AFISMA was superseded by a UN-led military operation while the French mission remained functional. This case study reflects the issue regarding the lack of African agency. By using an analytical framework of power in international politics, this study seeks to understand this dynamic as it pertains to the case study. The findings show that France, via a Realist understanding, is the primary power in the conflict out to seek its own security. Simultaneously, African agency is not realisable due to the inherent inferiority of African institutions compared to the UN and France.Show less
