In this thesis I defend the claim that globalization, capitalism and consumerism are determining factors in contemporary society and therefore a normative political theory ought to incorporate an...Show moreIn this thesis I defend the claim that globalization, capitalism and consumerism are determining factors in contemporary society and therefore a normative political theory ought to incorporate an answer to how these factors must be dealt with. Agonists must either revise their agonistic democratic theories or oppose globalization, capitalism and consumerism all together. I have chosen the views of William Connolly and James Tully.Show less
In this thesis, I will defend the epistemic and moral value of democratic government, and oppose claims that there are legitimate grounds to replace democratic elections or restrict universal and...Show moreIn this thesis, I will defend the epistemic and moral value of democratic government, and oppose claims that there are legitimate grounds to replace democratic elections or restrict universal and equal suffrage to ensure the epistemic value of political decision-making. If one takes the principles normative authority and legitimacy into account, then any restriction on equal voting rights on the grounds of elitism will result neither in a rule of government that is intrinsically better nor a rule of government that is superior in producing better outcomes than a democratic system.Show less
De Duitse filosoof Jurgen Habermas (1929) claimt in zijn boek ‘The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere’ dat het domein van de publieke sfeer is gekoloniseerd door de vrije markt. Deze...Show moreDe Duitse filosoof Jurgen Habermas (1929) claimt in zijn boek ‘The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere’ dat het domein van de publieke sfeer is gekoloniseerd door de vrije markt. Deze kolonisatie veroorzaakt een eroderen van de structuren van de publieke sfeer. Aangezien deze claim de legitimiteit van onze huidige (westerse) indeling van de samenleving bevraagt is het belangrijk om de aard van de claim te doorgronden. Hoe ziet deze kolonisatie er precies uit? En wat is de publieke sfeer volgens Habermas? Maar nog belangrijker is de vraag: Wat is er volgens Habermas problematisch aan de erosie van de publieke sfeer? Het is deze vraag waarop de scriptie een antwoord geeft.Show less
The democratic legitimacy of political representation is not obvious. In the literature, however, it is often treated as such, mostly because the alternative of direct democracy is deemed...Show moreThe democratic legitimacy of political representation is not obvious. In the literature, however, it is often treated as such, mostly because the alternative of direct democracy is deemed unfeasible. In this thesis, I approach this issue based on the fundamental critique of representation as made by Rousseau, according to which democracy and representation are mutually exclusive, and representative democracy thus a contradiction in terms. I compare Rousseau’s position, supported by a more modern argument by Hanna Pitkin, to an attempt by modern authors in defending representation, which started with David Plotke. I support Plotke’s ideas with those put forward by Nadia Urbinati and Mark Warren, and also look at a more extreme position as argued by Frank Ankersmit. Comparing these positions to the critique by Rousseau and Pitkin, it becomes clear that defence of representation is lacking democratic justification that can withstand Rousseau’s fundamental critique. Finally, I discuss a potentially strong argument at providing such a justification, based on arguments by Laura Montanaro and Clarissa Hayward, which emphasizes the constructive role that representation plays in the shaping of people’s interests. Until the representative turn provides a substantial argument that people do not have politically relevant interests prior to representation, I argue, Rousseau’s critique remains intact, and we need to be more careful in ascribing democratic properties to representative systems.Show less
In order to comprehend the current form of neoliberal policies, an examination of neoliberalism’s theoretical foundation is necessary. Located in the immediate post war years and mostly in F.A....Show moreIn order to comprehend the current form of neoliberal policies, an examination of neoliberalism’s theoretical foundation is necessary. Located in the immediate post war years and mostly in F.A. Hayek’s work, neoliberalism is treated as an attempt of ‘liberal revival’ based primarily on classical British liberalism and contrasted with continental liberalism and welfare politics. Hayek’s attempts to establish the link of neoliberalism and classical liberalism based upon three main pillars: individual freedom, spontaneous order of the market and the rule of law. The first part of the research is devoted to analyzing the core concepts under a Hayekian light by providing historical contextualisation. In the second part, the three core concepts are examined based Michel Foucault’s Birth of Biopolitics. Foucault’s Birth of Biopolitics assists the current research in challenging the Hayekian construction of linking neoliberalism with classical liberalism. The main observation made by Foucault is the accentuation of the economic aspect of liberalism in the neoliberal construction; the ‘economization of the non-economic’. The conclusions drawn from the second part of the research, based on the Foucauldian approach of the core concepts of neoliberalism, endeavour to challenge the Hayekian rationale in constructing our current understanding of neoliberalism; although neoliberalism is built upon the notion of freedom, we are inevitably controlled through freedom.Show less
Hoe dienen politieke leugens beoordeeld te worden? In deze scriptie betoog ik aan de hand van de ideeën van Arendt, Koyré, Williams en Machiavelli dat het gebruik van politieke leugens ten alle...Show moreHoe dienen politieke leugens beoordeeld te worden? In deze scriptie betoog ik aan de hand van de ideeën van Arendt, Koyré, Williams en Machiavelli dat het gebruik van politieke leugens ten alle tijden afgekeurd dient te worden door de bedreiging die een politieke leugen vormt voor de liberale democratie. Hoewel de overheid in staat dient te zijn om geheimen te hebben, dient het geen gebruik van leugens te maken. Tot slot blijkt dat hedendaagse politieke leugens zich niet altijd bezig houden met het verbergen of verwoesten van de waarheid.Show less
Carl Schmitt has long been considered as one of the most important philosophers of the 20th century, with his influential analysis of the paradoxes of liberal democracy. The thesis aims to...Show moreCarl Schmitt has long been considered as one of the most important philosophers of the 20th century, with his influential analysis of the paradoxes of liberal democracy. The thesis aims to structure Schmitt's theories of such paradoxes and analysis some criticism against them. In the end, the thesis argues that the crisis of liberal democracy lies in its ignorance of egalitarian principles that are central to democracy. Therefore, if democracy is still valued as the best form of governance, it should be protected from liberalism.Show less
In this thesis, I claim that the recently emerged perspective of environmental pragmatism is nonviable. For many years, it was deemed impossible for environmental ethics to formulate justified...Show moreIn this thesis, I claim that the recently emerged perspective of environmental pragmatism is nonviable. For many years, it was deemed impossible for environmental ethics to formulate justified environmental policy. Environmental pragmatism, and its primary scholar Bryan G. Norton, has promoted a new outlook in that debate by proposing an ideal methodology based upon classic American pragmatism. In this methodology, a community can determine what is morally righteous by (i) conducting open-ended inquiry and (ii) considering all relevant stakeholders in a rational discourse. Environmental pragmatism must therefore accommodate reasonable value pluralism. Moreover, Norton claims that these criteria should be complemented with what I call the ‘sustainability criterion’. However, this principle of righteous decisionmaking appears inconsistent with the two aforementioned commitments. This thesis considers the extent to which this is the case. As it turns out, environmental pragmatism is unable to reconcile the commitment of sustainability with reasonable value pluralism, when its ideal methodology is applied in practical terms. And, because environmental pragmatism aims to do so, I conclude that it is nonviable.Show less
