This thesis examines how liberal democracies rationalise drone warfare. Drawing on the philosophical works of Michel Foucault, Michael Dillon, Julian Reid and Achille Mbembe, I argued that liberal...Show moreThis thesis examines how liberal democracies rationalise drone warfare. Drawing on the philosophical works of Michel Foucault, Michael Dillon, Julian Reid and Achille Mbembe, I argued that liberal democracies rationalise drone warfare through a discourse of biopower – the power over life - that presents drones and drone operators as life-preserving. Lethal drone strikes are rationalised as necessary acts of pre-emptive killing in order to save valuable life (killing to make life live). However, I also found that liberal democracies rationalise drone warfare through a discourse of necropower – the power over death – that deems acceptable the putting to death of entire populations living under drones. Hence, this thesis demonstrates that drone warfare reflects both a biopolitical and a necropolitical rationality.Show less
Failure of governance, including domination, social exclusion, lack of social and economic freedom, and policies that favour elites can lead to social unrest. Causes of conflicts do not only come...Show moreFailure of governance, including domination, social exclusion, lack of social and economic freedom, and policies that favour elites can lead to social unrest. Causes of conflicts do not only come from economic and political grievances, but also from problems of governance. In the Middle East and North Africa, where patronage systems prevail and ethnic and religious tensions are dominant, the need to discuss issues of governance is important. In Syria, where protests from the Arab Spring led to an ongoing civil war, the northern part of the country is following a ‘third way’: the implementation of democratic autonomy and communes in which all ethnic and religious groups live together. The Rojava Revolution is an example of how people, no matter their backgrounds, can live together and where the patriarchal system can be subverted by overcoming nation-state principles. While definitions on the concept of good governance vary, some of its principles are of particular relevance to security, namely accountability, transparency and participation. In this context, this thesis examines the extent to which these political goods have been achieved in the north and east Syria and question whether the structure in place can set an example for rebuilding governance in conflict-affected areas. Examining local governance dynamics and the self-reliant economy in the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria, both in relation to regional and local conditions, provides a way to rethink the establishment of a long-lasting ruling coalition in conflict-affected areas under Middle Eastern terms.Show less
The aim of this study is to find out how the occupation in the West Bank is maintained by Israel, the Palestinian Authority, its capitalist class and the aid agencies with its donors. Hereby, the...Show moreThe aim of this study is to find out how the occupation in the West Bank is maintained by Israel, the Palestinian Authority, its capitalist class and the aid agencies with its donors. Hereby, the focus set upon the question what the neoliberal economic policies in the West Bank are and how they play a role in the occupation of it. To answer this question, the thesis will explore the policies of both Israel and the Palestinian Authority next to the policies that are promoted in the West Bank by aid agencies and international donors. Israel’s neoliberal economic policies will be explained through its economic interests in the West Bank, such as land, labour, water and market. Furthermore, the study will look into the neoliberal economic policies of the Palestinian Authority and how the Palestinian capitalist class has been created through these policies. Lastly, the study will highlight the role of international donors and aid agencies in the West Bank and the means in which they apply their influence to promote neoliberal economic policies that sustain the occupation of the West Bank. The study will show that the neoliberal economic policies in the West Bank contribute to its occupation and its dependency on the Israeli economy and international aid. However, not only Israel profits from the occupation, but also the Palestinian Authority and the Palestinian elite through their cooperation with Israel.Show less
The exclusion of women from the economy results in a country loses labour force and hampers its (potential) economic development and prosperity. Nevertheless, the participation rates of women in...Show moreThe exclusion of women from the economy results in a country loses labour force and hampers its (potential) economic development and prosperity. Nevertheless, the participation rates of women in the market are often much lower than those of men, especially in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). Women face socio-cultural barriers that restrict their individual freedoms in several areas, for instance their access to education and the (global) market. Their subordinated role towards men is established in various aspects of life: society, economy and politics. At the same time, MENA countries are facing challenges imposed by high youth unemployment and the need to catch up with the global economic progress to stay competitive. Diversification of the economy is one of the main goals in order to keep up with the global economic developments. Diversification means also including more women into the labour market since they often approach challenges of the market different than men.Neoliberal reforms intend to increase the competitiveness of a market by making it accessible for everyone. The claim that I want to investigate is that neoliberalism impacts on the (economic) opportunities of women within the socio-cultural context of their countries. In other words, how do neoliberal reforms impact on female entrepreneurship in the Middle East and North Africa?Show less
This thesis seeks to explore how street children in Cairo are governed. It takes a multi-level approach through examining the public level, aid organizations and the Egyptian government. The way...Show moreThis thesis seeks to explore how street children in Cairo are governed. It takes a multi-level approach through examining the public level, aid organizations and the Egyptian government. The way street children are perceived on these different levels influences policy approach. Street children are rejected by Egyptian society, and a negative stereotype about them dominates the public view. The choices that street children must make in their daily life accentuate these stereotypes. A recent paradigm shift in academia has led aid organizations from viewing street children as passive subjects of charity towards a more human rights-based approach. Despite this paradigm shift, the government has yet to adapt its policy and continues to treat street children as delinquents. This thesis calls for more research on the topic of street children, in order to map out the magnitude of the problem. Furthermore, I suggest that unless street children are perceived the same on all levels, no adequate solution will be found to the growing problem.Show less
This thesis discusses natural resource exploitation in the Western-Sahara through 3 themes: international organization, Morocco's elite & international capital.
Jordan is undoubtedly a highly resilient state. Many scholars have claimed that Jordan constitutes a “hybrid system of governance” combining features of both democracy and autocracy. The main...Show moreJordan is undoubtedly a highly resilient state. Many scholars have claimed that Jordan constitutes a “hybrid system of governance” combining features of both democracy and autocracy. The main debates on the field are increasingly revolving around the persistence of its political stability. The current thesis explores the persistence of the Jordanian monarchy since the onset of its political liberalization in 1989 and demonstrates that the regime in Jordan employed several regime survival strategies, based on legitimation, co-optation and repression in order to ensure its longevity. To better illustrate the current argument, the research that follows attempts a theory testing, based on these three key theories which - with the support of both primary and secondary sources - try to explain the puzzle of monarchical regime endurance in Jordan.Show less
In 2011, President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali was ousted from power following the Jasmine Revolution, a series of protests where women played an incredibly vocal and important role. However, this...Show moreIn 2011, President Zine El Abidine Ben Ali was ousted from power following the Jasmine Revolution, a series of protests where women played an incredibly vocal and important role. However, this dissertation seeks to argue that ‘The Woman Question’ in Tunisia is now more complicated than ever. Despite the comparatively progressive civil liberties Tunisian women have been granted, the reality women face in Tunisia is much bleaker than initially assumed in 2011. The aspects of co-optation, authoritarianism, class and religion will be used to assess how historically the conflicting issues surrounding women came to be, and the issues women face following the 2011 Jasmine Revolution.Show less
The eruption of the 2015 war in Yemen was a turning point in the protracted, deep-rooted conflict. Support from various regional and international players for the domestic adversaries further...Show moreThe eruption of the 2015 war in Yemen was a turning point in the protracted, deep-rooted conflict. Support from various regional and international players for the domestic adversaries further contributed to the complexity of an already stagnant conflict. This thesis first examines the main drivers behind the war through the lens of intractability theory and subsequently establishes the primary factors resisting peace negotiations. This thesis demonstrates that in the Yemen conflict, protraction, identity denigration and polarized solutions are the primary obstacles on the domestic level, whereas geopolitics and profitability are regional factors contributing to the intractability of the conflict. Despite the fact that the conflict is presently in an intractable position, the recent and unprecedented initiation of peace consultations in Sweden has become a silver lining in the entrenched conflict. In relation to these developments, the second part of this thesis analyses whether the Yemen conflict is presently ripe for negotiations. Following this analysis, a variety of suggestions for inducing the transition from intractability towards tractability are presented. This thesis contributes to existing studies on intractable conflicts by applying intractability theory to the case of Yemen and by proposing various methods to ripen the conflict for negotiations.Show less
Gaining access remainsone ofthe main impediments to the United Nations humanitarian response in Syria. Since 2011, the Syrian government has systematically blocked the United Nations from accessing...Show moreGaining access remainsone ofthe main impediments to the United Nations humanitarian response in Syria. Since 2011, the Syrian government has systematically blocked the United Nations from accessing populations in opposition-held areas. In theory, the Humanitarian Principles Neutrality and Independence provide the framework for gaining impartial access to conflict settings. Ironically, however, in practice the need to gain access has pushed the United Nations to compromise the Humanitarian Principles and comply to President Assad’s demands. While the United Nations’ compromises enable it to access at least government approved areas, these compromises have also facilitated Assad’s siege warfare tactic, population displacements and thereby re-shaped Syria’s socio-political landscape. Analysis of the Syrian conflict often focuses on President Assad’s role in perpetuating violence. Yet, the United Nations’ aid operation plays a similarly crucial role in shaping the dynamic and political outcome of the Syrian conflict. This paper therefore asks; To what extent has the United Nations adhered to the Humanitarian Principles Neutrality and Independence in its operations in the Syrian conflict between 2011 and 2017 and what are the implications?Show less
Research master thesis | Middle Eastern Studies (research) (MA)
open access
Since 2011, Yemen has been torn apart by two subsequent crises: the 2011 uprisings which sought to overthrow the Saleh-government, and the current conflict between the Houthis and the government of...Show moreSince 2011, Yemen has been torn apart by two subsequent crises: the 2011 uprisings which sought to overthrow the Saleh-government, and the current conflict between the Houthis and the government of president Hadi. Although women are often portrayed as primary victims of these crises, such moments of profound change can also offer possible positive changes for women. In this thesis, I analyse the impact of these two crises – the 2011 uprisings and the current conflict – on women’s political empowerment in Yemen. Did women get more opportunities to participate in politics due to these crises? Two important conclusions follow from this research. Firstly, there is a notable difference between women’s participation in informal politics and formal politics during and after crises; although women might be empowered in informal politics, this does not necessarily lead to empowerment in formal politics. And secondly, different crises have different impacts on women’s political participation. The nature of the subsequent formal political process determines the likelihood of women’s formal political empowerment.Show less
