The United States is currently in the process of replacing many of its traditional public schools with semi-private institutions called charter schools. Though this process only became widespread...Show moreThe United States is currently in the process of replacing many of its traditional public schools with semi-private institutions called charter schools. Though this process only became widespread within the last few decades, its origins are rooted in the political turmoil that occurred during the American Civil Rights movement more than 50 years ago. By implementing critical race theory, this study investigates the relationship between long standing racism and the push to privatize U.S. public schools by using the New Orleans public school system as a focal point. Court documents, historical accounts, interviews, era specific newspaper articles and prior research into the field are all used to accomplish this aim. Analyzing these materials illustrates how current arguments in favor of privatization were born out of white resistance to racially integrated public schools in the mid-20th century, and still echo the talking points used during the Civil Rights era to challenge forced integration. Based on these analyses, this study concludes that the American charter school movement is poorly regulated, racially biased, and creates classroom inequality in New Orleans, and throughout the United States.Show less
De opkomst van het internet en specifiek sociale media hebben voor veranderingen gezorgd binnen de journalistiek. Door middel van het internet kan het publiek steeds makkelijker in contact komen...Show moreDe opkomst van het internet en specifiek sociale media hebben voor veranderingen gezorgd binnen de journalistiek. Door middel van het internet kan het publiek steeds makkelijker in contact komen met journalisten. Ook ieders mogelijkheid om vrijelijk op het internet te kunnen publiceren heeft het journalistieke werk veranderd. Bovendien hebben de journalist en diens organisatie niet langer een monopolie op de verspreiding van het nieuws. Als gevolg van deze veranderingen is de networked journalist ontstaan. De traditionele journalistieke structuur maakte plaats voor openheid en interactiviteit die het internet biedt, hoewel de kernkarakteristieken van de journalistiek – waaronder haar maatschappelijke functie en het analyseren en filteren van nieuws – bleven bestaan. Journalist en burger werken toenemend samen aan het journalistieke product. Het sociale mediaplatform Twitter is een voorbeeld van hoe dit networked journalism zich kan manifesteren. Het platform biedt de mogelijkheid voor journalist en publiek om makkelijk in contact te komen en meningen uit te wisselen. Maatschappelijke thema’s worden op Twitter vaak besproken en bediscussieerd. Het thema ‘migratie’ is vanaf de zomer van 2015 sterk vertegenwoordigd op de publieke en nieuwsagenda, en roept ook op Twitter veel reacties van gebruikers op. Voor dit onderzoek zijn de tweets van elf Nederlandse journalisten die berichten over migratie geanalyseerd, evenals de reacties die zij krijgen op Twitter. Vervolgens zijn deze elf journalisten geïnterviewd over hoe zij omgaan met de verschillende soorten reacties, of de journalisten deze tweets nuttig achten en of de tweets gebruikt worden voor het journalistieke werk. Dit verkennende onderzoek brengt daarmee twee zaken in kaart: enerzijds categoriseert het de soort reacties die journalisten die berichten over migratie krijgen op Twitter, anderzijds categoriseert dit onderzoek de manier waarop deze journalisten omgaan met Twitterreacties.Show less
Throughout the 2000s, the World Bank seems to have undergone a paradigm shift from a neoliberal, market-oriented agenda to a more state-centric approach with increased attention to national...Show moreThroughout the 2000s, the World Bank seems to have undergone a paradigm shift from a neoliberal, market-oriented agenda to a more state-centric approach with increased attention to national particularities in policy design. However, in contrast to the recent enthusiasm by a variety of authors does this thesis argue that the increased attention to the role of institutions and politics in socio-economic development has merely been discursive. The here presented historical analysis of Malawi’s political economy since 1979 shows that there have been little actual changes to the Bank’s policies over the years, to the detriment of equitable socio-economic development in Sub-Saharan Africa. A continued focus on neoclassical economic theory and a lack of attention to national political economy are largely to blame. This thesis holds that to improve socio-economic development, development in practice needs to be transformed by moving beyond overtly theoretical and technocratic approaches and recognizing the inherent political nature of economies, instead of viewing the socio-political order underlying market relationships as an isolated given.Show less
There are a number of Cushitic languages that have a gender system that includes a gender known as ‘plural gender’. The existence of ‘plural’ gender is a peculiar feature in these languages and for...Show moreThere are a number of Cushitic languages that have a gender system that includes a gender known as ‘plural gender’. The existence of ‘plural’ gender is a peculiar feature in these languages and for that reason this thesis aims to find out how this gender developed. This thesis analyzes three languages in each of two branches of East-Cushitic languages. For each of the two branches this thesis examines at least one language with plural gender and one without.Show less
This thesis explores the insights that the contemporary practice of neuro art can add to knowledge that is held over the construction of consciousness. This is done through considerations of the...Show moreThis thesis explores the insights that the contemporary practice of neuro art can add to knowledge that is held over the construction of consciousness. This is done through considerations of the work of Annie Cattrell and Helen Chadwick. In order to identify the added value of art, first an analysis is made of the current neuroscientific stance and its influence in society. Secondly, the thesis minutely demarcates the limits of the neuroscientific method. Here it is laid bare why its objective nature is inherently inadequate for a full understanding of consciousness, that is subjective per definition. The third chapter offers a concise introduction to neuro art. In the subsequent two chapters, the confrontation with the two artworks takes place. Through a reflection on how the artists employ their artistic means to conduct their research on the subject, insights on the construction of consciousness are deduced. The thesis is ended with a reflection on the position of art regarding science is present-day society. Art that engages itself with science enriches the ideas about the construction of consciousness.Show less
Research master thesis | Arts and Culture (research) (MA)
open access
This thesis offers an iconographic analysis of the architectural language with which the round church in the Ideal City of Urbino (unknown artist, c. 1480-1495) is depicted. With new insights on...Show moreThis thesis offers an iconographic analysis of the architectural language with which the round church in the Ideal City of Urbino (unknown artist, c. 1480-1495) is depicted. With new insights on the artist's most likely architectural as well as theological sources of inspiration for the round church's building structure and stylistic language, this research contributes to filling a gap in the vast literature on this Renaissance painting.Show less
This thesis aims to answer the question of why the Indonesian state has increasingly securitized LGBT people in Indonesia from 2000 to 2016, by focusing on two factors: public homophobia and state...Show moreThis thesis aims to answer the question of why the Indonesian state has increasingly securitized LGBT people in Indonesia from 2000 to 2016, by focusing on two factors: public homophobia and state homophobia. Data on public attitudes toward the LGBT community in Indonesia will be drawn from various surveys conducted after 2000s. These surveys measure attitudes on existing heteronormative ideals in Indonesian society and capture the conservative turn starting from 1998 during the post-democratic transition period. The increasing threat of homosexuality as propagated by the Indonesian state will be historically and systematically analyzed through a number of statements made by political elites. Strong evidence is found on public and state homophobia increasing in Indonesia and this materializing politically and legally.Show less
In the US, it seems that the Right is associated with bad or incorrect language use. The Left, on the other hand, seems to be associated with prescribing language. According to Chapman (2012), in...Show moreIn the US, it seems that the Right is associated with bad or incorrect language use. The Left, on the other hand, seems to be associated with prescribing language. According to Chapman (2012), in the UK, Conservatives are often associated with prescriptivism because they are “bound up with issues of tradition and control” (p. 128). After creating a corpus of American and British English Facebook comments, I analysed the comments written by people who are anti-Trump, pro-Trump, anti-Brexit and pro-Brexit and found that overall the pro-Brexit and Trump group are more inclined to make linguistic mistakes and use non-standard English, whereas the anti-Trump and Brexit group is more likely to write prescriptive comments.Show less
This study researches the role of accountability in several late medieval middle Dutch texts. The thesis underlines the importance of cultural factors like religion and honor in the thinking about...Show moreThis study researches the role of accountability in several late medieval middle Dutch texts. The thesis underlines the importance of cultural factors like religion and honor in the thinking about accountability of medieval officials.Show less
The present thesis looks through popular women’s magazines published during the period of the Greek Junta (1967-1974) in order to answer the following question: "To what extent did popular women's...Show moreThe present thesis looks through popular women’s magazines published during the period of the Greek Junta (1967-1974) in order to answer the following question: "To what extent did popular women's magazines during the Greek Junta reflect the regime's ideology on gender roles?". The analysis is divided into three chapters regarding representations of the female body and sexuality, work and marriage, and politics respectively. The thesis also highlights the underlying tension between modernity and tradition in far-right ideologies and the way it is mirrored through women's representations in the magazines.Through the analysis, the thesis concludes that these magazines promoted a considerably more liberal view of womanhood than that expected and desired by the Junta for Greek women. It also points out that this liberal image of women was not necessarily opposed by the regime since it too promoted itself as liberal. Finally, the thesis demonstrates that this particular inconsistency between presentation and expectation reveals a gendered facet of the tension between traditionalism and modernization documented in the magazine pages of the Greek Junta.Show less
In dit onderzoek staat centraal hoe in 2017 op Twitter de ongeloofwaardigheid van de media, in de context van de MH17-ramp, discursief werd geconstrueerd. Daarbij is gebruik gemaakt van Luhmanns...Show moreIn dit onderzoek staat centraal hoe in 2017 op Twitter de ongeloofwaardigheid van de media, in de context van de MH17-ramp, discursief werd geconstrueerd. Daarbij is gebruik gemaakt van Luhmanns theorie over ver- en wantrouwen als middel om de complexiteit van de wereld te verminderen. De onderzoeksvraag is beantwoord middels een op Foucault geïnspireerde discoursanalyse waarbij gebruik is gemaakt van 415 tweets die uitingen van wantrouwen en mediascepticisme bevatten. Data is verzameld via Obi4Wan. Uit de 415 tweets zijn drie discursieve thema’s gedistilleerd, waarvan het dominante thema ‘mainstream media als propaganda-instrument’ nader is onderzocht. De perceptie van accounts is dat media ingezet wordt, of zichzelf inzetten, als propaganda-instrument voor de overheid. Media zouden niet geloofwaardig zijn omdat zij niet onafhankelijk zijn; zij misbruiken hun macht om de publieke opinie te sturen met misleidende informatie. Door alternatieve media te vertrouwen en gevestigde media te wantrouwen, wordt regulier nieuws door accounts afgestoten. Dit afstoten is een actieve keuze en zorgt voor complexiteitsreductie omdat andere keuzes en opties worden ontweken. De hoofdvraag laat zich niet kort en bondig beantwoorden omdat de ongeloofwaardigheid van de media in de context van de MH17-ramp op meerdere manieren discursief wordt geconstrueerd. Via discours wordt gedistantieerd van de ‘leugens’ van de media waardoor de accounts dichterbij hun eigen ervaren werkelijkheid blijven. Mogelijkheden voor vervolgonderzoek worden genoemd. Show less
The alteration of representation in young readers’ editions of Nathaniel Philbrick's "In the Heart of the Sea" and Mary Lee Shetterly's "Hidden Figures".
This thesis set out to determine the way in which the state-controlled media of the separatist-held territory of Donetsk in Eastern Ukraine have framed the separatist narrative. This is done...Show moreThis thesis set out to determine the way in which the state-controlled media of the separatist-held territory of Donetsk in Eastern Ukraine have framed the separatist narrative. This is done through a framing analysis of a selection of articles that were chosen and sampled according four different time-frames over the years 2017 and 2018. These periods correspond to events that led to heightened tensions in the conflict between Ukraine and DPR, namely: ‘the battle of Avdiivka’, ‘the economic blockade’, ‘the death of Zakharchenko’ and the ‘Kerch Strait incident’. Six frames were inductively reconstructed and grouped into three categories according to their relation with Ukraine, DPR and Russia. With regards to Ukraine the following frames were found: Ukraine as an aggressor’; ‘Ukraine as a disruptor’; ‘weakness and incompetence of Ukraine’. Frames related to DPR consisted in ‘legitimacy of DPR’ and ‘DPR citizens as victims’. Lastly, the frame that emerged in relation with Russia was ‘Russia as a mediator’. The findings of this study suggest state-controlled DNR-News has framed the separatist narrative with the help of two dominant approaches. One that is inclusive of Russia by representing it as an actor primarily responsible for ensuring DPR’s continuous existence and the success of its separatist ambitions. In a different approach, DPR’s independence is marked as a significant goal even though Russia has not yet recognised its independence and it does so by claiming the right to self-determination. There is thus an attempt at finding a right balance between the two and in turn, render the fight for the separatist cause more plausible.Show less
At the time of writing (June 2019), the European Union officially hosts another “sick man”. The European Commission has in fact recently encouraged Italy to reconsider its economic policy in the...Show moreAt the time of writing (June 2019), the European Union officially hosts another “sick man”. The European Commission has in fact recently encouraged Italy to reconsider its economic policy in the light of a forecasted unsustainable (according to the European Commission) rise in the country’s budgetary deficit. Italy has so far been relatively used to politically challenging the European Commission when it comes to its choices in the field of macroeconomic policy. Nevertheless, the ease and the degree with which Neoliberalism (here meant as a Washington Consensus-based disciplinary ideology aiming at limiting the degree of politicization of the economic realm and the choices of states when it comes to their macroeconomic policies ) remains dominant at the EU level poses a question: Is the European Union inherently neoliberal or demand-led growth models are still possible? The reasons why finding an answer to this question is in our interest is grounded in the proliferation of radical political responses in several European countries (including Italy, Greece and - to a lesser degree - France) partly coming as a consequence of their stagnating (whilst not declining) economies. On one hand the European Union’s economy in the last few years has been keeping up to its self-set standards, on the other hand some countries appear to be far from catching up with the top-performers despite having structurally adjusted their economies to the taste of the neoliberal narrative. More importantly, the implementation of neoliberal policies has mostly been done at the expense of the existing welfare states, organized labor and national economic independence. Although the aforementioned growth of populist parties has yet to translate into those states actually taking real steps towards exiting the EU, the macroeconomic powerlessness of these countries seems doomed to persist, and so does the growth of radical parties and/or ideas. In this thesis I am going to argue that the EU is not an inherently neoliberal project of economic integration but it will be argued that the European political economy under the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) entails a clear neoliberal bias which prevents the EU and its member states from pursuing alternative paths. Furthermore, it will be argued that as it is currently structured, the EMU constitutes an hinderance to growth and employment in the continent as it systematically prevents the formation of adequate levels of aggregate demand.Show less
