This thesis examines to what extent public opinion about Syrian and Ukrainian refugees is either perpetuated or challenged by media discourse in Dutch newspaper media. Currently existing studies...Show moreThis thesis examines to what extent public opinion about Syrian and Ukrainian refugees is either perpetuated or challenged by media discourse in Dutch newspaper media. Currently existing studies mainly focus on the reception and perceptions of refugees coming from the Global South. By specifically focusing on war refugees, and adding the comparative component of Ukrainian refugees, this thesis aimed to identify whether disparities that are apparent in public opinions, are also tracible in the Dutch newspapers NRC, De Telegraaf, and De Volkskrant. Dutch public opinion shows a greater support of the reception of Ukrainian refugees, than any other group of war refugees. To examine whether the latter is apparent in media discourse, this study combines two methods: Corpus Linguistics (Content Analysis) and the Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA) in Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA). Corpus Linguistics shows the presence of three prominent themes in word usage in articles regarding both comparative cases: pronouns, locations, and times and quantities. These three themes served as a foundational base for the CDA. CDA shows a prominence of the ‘us versus them’ dichotomy in media discourse, mainly through the use of ‘othering’ language. Additionally, the presence of discussions of repatriation in case of Syrian refugees, perpetuates the disparity in support of reception of both groups of war refugees. With the contribution of academic literature, the content analysis, and critical discourse analysis, this paper concludes that Dutch media discourse perpetuates public opinions regarding Syrian and Ukrainian refugees. However, it is important to note that due to contextual factors, it is important to be aware of the nuances that might apply.Show less
In recent years, especially since Alexander Wendt’s 2015 'Quantum mind and social science,' a timid yet promising body of literature, building from a range of post-structuralist and new materialist...Show moreIn recent years, especially since Alexander Wendt’s 2015 'Quantum mind and social science,' a timid yet promising body of literature, building from a range of post-structuralist and new materialist theory, has sought out to disentangle the ubiquity of the “Newtonian imagery” (Murphy, 2019) and its effects in social theorizing in IR. However, sustained attention to 'Quantum Mind' has led many to associate this bourgeoning field with Wendt’s own philosophical claims, despite a great number of rich and varied contributions. Despite Wendt’s attempts to the contrary, his adoption of “quantum realism” (Murphy, 2021) poses substantial risks to the kind of anti-positivism quantum social science claims to spearhead. In this thesis, I explore the reasons why Wendt’s take on human subjectivity entails a transcendentalist position unwarranted by his attempt at a ‘flat’ ontology. As I argue, his reliance on analytical philosophy of mind leads him to effectively adopt a physicalist position which he now rebrands as naturalism. This inherent contradiction allows to trace Wendt’s metaphysical allegiances to the unsuspected legacy of logical empiricism in their insistence on the language of physicalism and the Unity of Science thesis.Show less
This thesis explores what the process of making a theatre performance, as a method of research, could add to our understanding of complex issues in the field of International Relations....Show moreThis thesis explores what the process of making a theatre performance, as a method of research, could add to our understanding of complex issues in the field of International Relations. Specifically, it engages with the question of how our theories about what world politics is, give shape to our world and our understanding of it. Through the making of an absurdist theatre performance it makes us aware that our theoretical positions are precarious. It does so by exploring the philosophical underpinnings of three divergent theories in International Relations Theory: Liberalism, Poststructuralism and Relational Cosmology and how they shape our possibilities for thinking and being in the world.Show less
This thesis looks at the common Surinamese perception of the Netherlands, and the role soft power plays therein. The main research question is ‘what is the role of soft power in perceptions of the...Show moreThis thesis looks at the common Surinamese perception of the Netherlands, and the role soft power plays therein. The main research question is ‘what is the role of soft power in perceptions of the Netherlands amongst the general Surinamese population?’ The general Surinamese population should here be understood as people living in Paramaribo, the Surinamese capital, from all different backgrounds, in terms of gender, age, education, ethnicity and socioeconomic status. Contrary to what could be expected from the grim Dutch colonial presence in the country, as well as the complicated post-colonial relation between the two countries, the Surinamese perception of its ex-colonizer seems positive. This research uses a mixed methodology of participant observation, interviewing and secondary source analysis to provide evidence for this claim. Results show there are four main perceptions of the Netherlands, and nine soft power elements or actors which shape those perceptions.Show less
By applying a spatial analysis to the United Nations headquarters, this thesis will answer the question of how the security, layout, usage of space and aesthetic tone of the headquarters influence...Show moreBy applying a spatial analysis to the United Nations headquarters, this thesis will answer the question of how the security, layout, usage of space and aesthetic tone of the headquarters influence the organization. The exterior of the United Nations premises shows that the War on Terror has affected how the organization views security and delivering on safety of personnel. The interior reflects the diverse range of formality and procedure present in meetings and diplomacy taking place at the UN headquarters. The art and aesthetic influence the interior reflects the UN’s multilateral character and encourages cross-cultural communication and respect. This thesis also shows that the space is not static, but that both the Secretariat (‘First UN’) and member-states (‘Second UN’) influence the space to maintain this spatial self-identification.Show less
When Extinction Rebellion (XR) burst onto the scene of global environmental politics with a ‘Declaration of Rebellion’ in October 2018, the network’s now notorious use of nonviolent civil...Show moreWhen Extinction Rebellion (XR) burst onto the scene of global environmental politics with a ‘Declaration of Rebellion’ in October 2018, the network’s now notorious use of nonviolent civil disobedience was not its only novel tactic: its global protests shared a distinctive approach to aesthetics and activism. The ‘hyper-aesthetic’ nature of XR’s protests, coupled with the network’s broad challenge to environmental politics, invites close consideration of what it means to engage aesthetics in an attempt to recalibrate the political response to climate change. However, International Relations has thus far paid limited attention to what aesthetic tactics of persuasion might mean for the understanding of global environmental politics or the nature of political responses to existential threats more broadly. This thesis therefore explores the aesthetic dimension of global environmental politics and XR’s place within it. Guided by aesthetic theory, self-conducted interviews with the founders of XR, and visual analysis, I argue that XR has utilised the exceptional capacity of ‘aesthetic protest’ - comprising performance, graphic design, language, installation art and more - to affect new and imaginative environmental sensibilities. This challenge - to see climate change as a unique and unprecedented threat that demands a more imaginative, urgent and emotional global political response - amounts to a challenge to the representational paradigms of contemporary global environmental politics.Show less
This thesis focuses on the peacekeeping partnership between the African Union (AU) and the United Nations (UN), in the context of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). It investigates the...Show moreThis thesis focuses on the peacekeeping partnership between the African Union (AU) and the United Nations (UN), in the context of the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). It investigates the question: “How did the AU and the UN institutional (in)compatibility impact the effectiveness of AMISOM?” Both the practical and executive sides of the institutions involved, and the congruence between the mandate, resources, and activities undertaken are considered when evaluating the effectiveness of the mission. This is done using the congruence component of the analytical framework of Effectiveness of Peace Operations Network (EPON). This part of the framework describes the strategic intent, mandate and aims to understand whether the mission has achieved its mandated tasks, and the extent to which there was consensus about this among various stakeholders. While the mission had a clear mandate, the main form of logistical support, the United Nations Support Office for AMISOM (UNSOA), was not designed to do its job. Mainly because it had roots in the UN’s bureaucratic system, UNSOA was never able to meet the expectations of the mandate and objectives of AMISOM. The partnership between the AU and the UN was born out of the mutual recognition that alone, neither of them could cope with the multitude of security challenges facing Somalia. The mission had a peace-enforcement nature but was unable to successfully carry out its mandate and objectives because of the limitation of using peacekeeping logistics. The inability of overcoming the institutional differences between the two organizations has led to the failure to accomplish the mission’s mandate and the additional objectives and has led to an ineffective peacekeeping partnership that was not successful in living up to its full potential. For future peacekeeping partnerships, this means that working on a more equal and consistent relationship between the AU and the UN will likely improve the effectiveness of the collaboration and the mandate, objectives, and activities of the mission.Show less
This research project focuses on the impact of big business in shaping foreign policy. Specifically, it examines the role of oligarchs in Ukraine in the events between 2010 and 2014. The two cases...Show moreThis research project focuses on the impact of big business in shaping foreign policy. Specifically, it examines the role of oligarchs in Ukraine in the events between 2010 and 2014. The two cases that are dealt with are the negotiations around the Association Agreement (AA) with the European Union and the 2014 conflicts in Crimea and Eastern Ukraine. The project uses a domestic structures approach as exists in Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA), that emphasises the properties of political systems in determining the outcome of foreign policy. I argue that the political system as it has developed in Ukraine in recent years has given oligarchs the opportunities to influence Ukrainian foreign policy. In turn, they have used these opportunities to try to impact events around the Association Agreement negotiations and the 2014 conflicts and I conclude that they have been reasonably successful in doing so.Show less