Josephus (‘Jef’) Carel Franciscus Last (1898-1972) was a Dutch leftist writer, polyglot, and Spanish Civil War volunteer. Though he never became an influential name in Dutch literature in the same...Show moreJosephus (‘Jef’) Carel Franciscus Last (1898-1972) was a Dutch leftist writer, polyglot, and Spanish Civil War volunteer. Though he never became an influential name in Dutch literature in the same way some of his contemporaries managed to, he did maintain several high-profile intellectual friendships across Europe and the Dutch East Indies. He was moreover one of the most dynamic leftists from the Netherlands during the 1930s, travelling to many different countries, as well as constantly developing his precise political allegiances, often leading him to joining new political movements and organisations. This MA thesis is concerned with how this development of his political allegiance precisely materialised, and whether his experiences in the Spanish Civil War definitively cemented his disillusionment with communism towards the late 1930s.Show less
This thesis explores the debate around the application of the law on the separation of Church and State of 1905 from France in Colonial Algeria from 1890 to 1914. The unique status of Algeria made...Show moreThis thesis explores the debate around the application of the law on the separation of Church and State of 1905 from France in Colonial Algeria from 1890 to 1914. The unique status of Algeria made it so that it was legally part of France, the three départements of Oran, Alger and Constantine were all counted as French départements. Thus it seemed logical that law would be applied in Algeria as there would be no exceptions to any French territory at the time from the law. The application of the law in Algeria nevertheless sparked controversy as the context in which the law would operate was not the same as in France. The presence of an indigenous Muslim population and the dependency of the local Catholic Church on state subsidies raised concerns whether applying the law in Algeria was wise. The French administration in Algeria had also created a special form of hierarchised and centralised Islam with which the laic state could interact with and control. This was achieved through the control of the medersas, by censoring what was taught in these and the fatwas issued by the ulamas, and the recruitment of imams, ulamas and muftis which were proven to be apolitical and loyal to the French state. The Catholic Church in Algeria also served as an assimilative institution as many non-French European immigrants, from Catholic Countries such as Italy, Spain, Malta and Poland, came to Algeria. The application of the law in Algeria would on paper force the French authorities to give up the control they exerted over the unique form of Islam they had created in Algeria, but also give up the unofficial partnership with the Algerian Church with whom the colonial administration cooperated. The debate that originated in France and opposed Catholics and republicans made its way to Algeria and opposed these two ideological camps. What this thesis attempts to do through the analysis of newspaper articles, is to understand what the public opinion on this issue was in Algeria, to bring a nuanced perspective on the debate by highlighting differences within these two ideological camps, and differently from the scholarly literature adopt an approach not based on institutional archives.Show less
In order to come to a new understanding of Austrian and even Central European history, this thesis questions the notion of 1918 as a watershed moment through an analysis of Linz’s festive culture...Show moreIn order to come to a new understanding of Austrian and even Central European history, this thesis questions the notion of 1918 as a watershed moment through an analysis of Linz’s festive culture in the period 1908-1928. This thesis illustrates the existence of a wide array of continuities in three layers of territorial identification – local, regional, and national – inherent in the city’s festive culture and divides this process into three categories: community building, ascribed commonalities, and feelings of belonging. The interaction between layers of identification provided a sustainable foundation for identity, which could overcome major upheavals like the First World War and the fall of the Habsburg Empire. In addition to interpreting these layers as nested identities, this thesis explores the importance of rhythms as a source for continuity in daily life. Preserving traditions and customs in practices often outweighed other considerations, such as displaying political views, in organizing local festivities. The repetition of a set of practices transcended party lines and shows that Social Democrats, Christian Socials, and German Nationalists all valued the use of these practices, albeit using them to create different territorially bounded narratives. Finally, this thesis argues that an overemphasis on capitals and crises in historiography has created a distorted view of this period and, consequently, advocates a new focus on localities, regions and stability.Show less
The present thesis looks through popular women’s magazines published during the period of the Greek Junta (1967-1974) in order to answer the following question: "To what extent did popular women's...Show moreThe present thesis looks through popular women’s magazines published during the period of the Greek Junta (1967-1974) in order to answer the following question: "To what extent did popular women's magazines during the Greek Junta reflect the regime's ideology on gender roles?". The analysis is divided into three chapters regarding representations of the female body and sexuality, work and marriage, and politics respectively. The thesis also highlights the underlying tension between modernity and tradition in far-right ideologies and the way it is mirrored through women's representations in the magazines.Through the analysis, the thesis concludes that these magazines promoted a considerably more liberal view of womanhood than that expected and desired by the Junta for Greek women. It also points out that this liberal image of women was not necessarily opposed by the regime since it too promoted itself as liberal. Finally, the thesis demonstrates that this particular inconsistency between presentation and expectation reveals a gendered facet of the tension between traditionalism and modernization documented in the magazine pages of the Greek Junta.Show less
A case study of the infra-municipal/departmental decentralization in the city of Paris during the period in which Jacques Chirac was mayor of Paris (1977-1995), which shows that the institutional...Show moreA case study of the infra-municipal/departmental decentralization in the city of Paris during the period in which Jacques Chirac was mayor of Paris (1977-1995), which shows that the institutional reform led to improved local representative democracy.Show less
The focus of this thesis is on the role of the Dutch national identity in the perceptions and experiences of a wide array of Dutch Spainfighters, who volunteered to fight on the Republican side in...Show moreThe focus of this thesis is on the role of the Dutch national identity in the perceptions and experiences of a wide array of Dutch Spainfighters, who volunteered to fight on the Republican side in the Spanish Civil War in the 1930s. It aims to understand how the volunteers dealt with the potential for clashes between the imagined communities of the Dutch nation-state and the border transcending, transnational appeal of their left-wing ideology. This thesis demonstrates that they felt loyalty both to the transnational community of left-wing and communist sympathizers, and the national Dutch community. It argues that the motivation of the Spainfighters is closely linked to their national identity, which they tried to construct in symbiosis with their transnational thoughts via the message of anti-fascism. As such, the thesis adds to the understanding of the phenomenon of foreign fighters. Next to the conscious building of national identity, national sentiments and practical culture played a considerable role in the daily reality of the Spainfighters, which is especially relevant if the rather mythical image of the International Brigades as a classic example of a transnational army is taken into account. As the case of the Dutch Spainfighters illustrates, the International Brigades provided space and even recognition for national identity as an organizing entity and as such functioned more as an ideologically motivated international army. For this reason, this thesis suggests that the fundaments of the supposedly transnational movement of support to the Spanish Republic may partly be built on national tensions and the resulting compromises. While studying transnational movements in the twentieth century, it therefore may be worth the effort to analyze the role of national identity, of national political culture.Show less
The biggest issue for Podemos and its Latin American connection, is their link to Venezuela. Many Spaniards, in particular conservative sympathisers, feel uneasiness towards the Latin American...Show moreThe biggest issue for Podemos and its Latin American connection, is their link to Venezuela. Many Spaniards, in particular conservative sympathisers, feel uneasiness towards the Latin American country because they consider it to be a radical dictatorship, in part because it has been presented in this way by the Spanish media. Podemos knows that any link to Venezuela will immensely damage the image the electorate have of it, thus preventing Podemos from appealing to the majority of Spaniards. It is this paper's objective to investigate and assess the extent to which Podemos and its leaders see the leftist populist regimes in Latin America as an inspiring example. To find out what exactly Podemos likes and dislikes about these Latin American countries, their leaders and the policies that have made them so popular. Is Podemos bringing twenty-first-century socialism to Spain? Does it plan on implementing similar policies? Is it copying the discourses used by Correa, Morales, Chávez and Maduro? What is the connection between Latin America and Podemos?Show less
By reintroducing the republic as the form of state, the French Revolution of 1848 also revived memories both joyful and terrifying of the First Republic (1792-1799). Despite its troublesome...Show moreBy reintroducing the republic as the form of state, the French Revolution of 1848 also revived memories both joyful and terrifying of the First Republic (1792-1799). Despite its troublesome connotations, radical republicans enthusiastically seized upon the heritage of the Jacobin regime. Through a case study of the newspaper Le Père Duchêne. Gazette de la Révolution, this thesis studies the relationship of these radicals with the revolutionary past. Its findings suggest that the latter had three functions in radical republican discourse. First, given that Le Père Duchêne extensively invoked Jacobin ideology, rhetoric and symbolism, the past constituted a source of inspiration. Secondly, by proclaiming itself as heir to Robespierre and the likes, Le Père Duchêne deployed the past as a means of legitimacy. Since the traumatic memory of the Jacobin Reign of Terror seriously undermined the latter, the journal rewrote the narrative of the guillotine, presenting it as the necessary outcome of circumstances created by the adversaries of the Jacobins: the Gironde. Finally, it used this altered image of the past as an analogical frame projected onto the present. By equating the acts of contemporary moderates with the Girondists’ purported treason in the past, Le Père Duchêne understood 1848 as the continuation and eventually culmination of the very same strife between malevolent bourgeois reaction and virtuous popular republicanism.Show less
After the death of Franco in 1975, Spain undertook a process of democratization (The Transition). In many aspects, this process constituted a great example for many other democratic transitions....Show moreAfter the death of Franco in 1975, Spain undertook a process of democratization (The Transition). In many aspects, this process constituted a great example for many other democratic transitions. However, some shadows still overflies the political system emanated from that process. During the decade of the 2000's, many associations started a process for the recuperation of those forgotten through the 'Pact of Silence': a tacit agreement by the main political actors of The Transition, which left aside the memory of the victims of the dictatorship, in order to consolidate a weak emerging democracy. This social demands finally generated a Law of Historical Memory (2007). However, many political and social sectors in Spain considered it as insufficient. With the change of government, in 2012, this law was 'de facto' derogated. The spanish recent memory, then, constitutes an active weapon in the spanish political battlefield; still nowadays, and despite the law. This thesis, through oral interviews to testimonies of different generations, seeks for the differences in the discourse about the historical memory between those who lived The Transition, and those who did not. Does it exist a generational gap? And, in case of being affirmative this question, could it entail some political consequences?Show less
De begrippen 'thee' en 'Engeland' worden nu vaak in één adem genoemd, maar zagen de Engelsen deze drank in de negentiende eeuw als een onderdeel van hun nationale identiteit? In deze scriptie wordt...Show moreDe begrippen 'thee' en 'Engeland' worden nu vaak in één adem genoemd, maar zagen de Engelsen deze drank in de negentiende eeuw als een onderdeel van hun nationale identiteit? In deze scriptie wordt onderzoek gedaan naar de theecultuur in Engeland en de Engelse perceptie op thee in de Victoriaanse periode.Show less
