This paper looks at several voting power indices based upon the Banzhaf power index that take into account the ideology of voters. It then applies these indices to a voting body that is divided...Show moreThis paper looks at several voting power indices based upon the Banzhaf power index that take into account the ideology of voters. It then applies these indices to a voting body that is divided ideologically, the European Parliament. The modified power indices tend to reduce the voting power of party groups in extreme ideological positions, to the benefit of the median party group.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
It is argued that host country factors have predictive value for the completion of Chinese investment in overseas oil and gas assets, as well as for the value of such deals. Using this thesis’...Show moreIt is argued that host country factors have predictive value for the completion of Chinese investment in overseas oil and gas assets, as well as for the value of such deals. Using this thesis’ unique dataset, which accounts for 198 states worldwide and the time period 1999-2012, four hypotheses are tested by performing ordered logit regression and Tobit regression analyses. Anticipating the results, the five main findings are presented here. For unambiguous interpretation, note that ‘Chinese investment’ refers to investment in overseas oil and gas assets. First, contrary to the impression obtained from media reports quoted above, Chinese investment is more likely to be accepted in states with institutional designs ranking higher in terms of institutional quality. Second, rentier states, whose leaders politically depend on the control over natural resources, do not take the expected defensive stance towards Chinese investments. Instead, a host country’s oil dependence is positively related to not only deal completion per se, but also to the amount of money invested. Gas dependence, on the other hand, is not significant in any of the models presented here. Third, Chinese investment is not only more likely, but also granted in higher volumes, in states that rank higher in terms of creditworthiness. Fourth, the financial crisis has provided all three Chinese investors - the NOCs, CDB, and CIC - with an opportunity to increase chances of deal completion as well as the amount invested. Fifth, separate analyses for Asia indicate that Chinese investment follows different patterns in its regional neighborhood, highlighting the need for further research to build on this thesis.Show less
Wars have substantial consequences for the consolidation of democracy, and have caused demographic, socio-economic and social problems in the countries of the Former Yugoslavia. However, what is...Show moreWars have substantial consequences for the consolidation of democracy, and have caused demographic, socio-economic and social problems in the countries of the Former Yugoslavia. However, what is striking is that not only has their Europeanization process differed from other Central and Eastern European countries, but also that among them a differentiated form of integration has taken place. On the one hand there are countries like Slovenia, a full EU member state, and Croatia, an acceding country set to join in July 2013, and on the other hand, countries like Serbia, a candidate country, and Bosnia i Herzegovina, a potential candidate, which have a long way to go on the path to membership. What are the reasons for these differences? How can we explain such variation in degrees of EU membership given that these countries were part of the same state a mere twenty-two years ago? What factors explain the quick democratic consolidation and compliance with EU conditionality of some FY states, on one hand, and the fragmented, problematic and generally slow Europeanization process of other FY states on the other? In order to answer these questions, this thesis examines the role of two key factors in determining different degrees of EU membership – the role of ethnicity, and the legacy of civil war in the internal political environment.Show less
Research master thesis | Political Science and Public Administration (research) (MSc)
closed access
National parliaments are often labeled the ‘losers’ of European integration. However, most studies in the field of Europeanization focus only on parliamentary influence in the ex-ante decision...Show moreNational parliaments are often labeled the ‘losers’ of European integration. However, most studies in the field of Europeanization focus only on parliamentary influence in the ex-ante decision-making phase in Brussels. In principle national parliaments have, however also the potential to influence the final outcome of EU policy making in the ex-post phase when EU law is transposed into national law. This role of parliaments has received only limited scholarly attention. Nevertheless, how national parliaments use this opportunity has important practical implications in terms of the EU democratic deficit thesis and the effectiveness of EU law. This thesis tackles the question, to what extent and under what conditions do national parliaments and their committees use their legislative review power to influence the transposition of EU law? A cross-country and cross-directive study in the area of EU migration law is conducted to explore the explanatory power of a prominent coalition model of legislative review. Contrary to the model which assumes that different types of government and levels of coalition conflict determines the scope of parliamentary scrutiny, this analysis finds that other factors are more important determinants for parliamentary influence on the timeliness and correctness of transposition measures. Such factors relate to the overall salience of a directive, high issue linkage with politicized national policy projects and case specific factors. The case studies provide particularly challenging evidence concerning the minister autonomy model on which the coalition model is based. This has important implications for the study on conflict anticipation, as ministers seem to be relatively well prepared to foresee their coalition partner’s preferences and adapt their legal drafts to prevent public coalition conflict in parliament. Secondly in terms of institutional design the analysis shows that even parliaments under unfavorable institutional preconditions and singly party governments are not necessarily weaker in their EU scrutiny activities than those that are assumed to be institutionally strong in the national policy making process.Show less
