Do United Nations (UN) Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) impact democratization in post-conflict states? Currently, this question is up for debate and this study builds on new relationships recently...Show moreDo United Nations (UN) Peacekeeping Operations (PKO) impact democratization in post-conflict states? Currently, this question is up for debate and this study builds on new relationships recently discovered in the literature. Blair, Di Salvatore, & Smidt (2023) argue that UN PKO tactics improve the likelihood of democratization. This relationship is tested through the examination of four mission tactics between the United Nations Operation in Mozambique (ONUMOZ) and the United Nations Mission in the Central African Republic (MINURCA). The cases were selected using a most similar design, indicating the cases are similar in all regards, except for their democratization outcomes; Mozambique democratized, while CAR did not. The analysis revealed that ONUMOZ and MINURCA were very similar in their mission tactics and thus mission tactics cannot be considered the sole explanation for democratization. Rather, the size and budget of the mission, involvement of civilian personnel, and recurrence of violence provided more fruitful avenues for explaining the difference in the democratization outcomes. This research contributes to the literature and yields recommendations for future research on UN PKOs and democratization. Additionally, this research provides insight into how the UN can successfully design and implement PKOs aimed at democratization.Show less
With the persistent human rights violations experienced by formerly colonized ethnic groups, the current human rights regimes need urgent review as they themselves may inadvertently contribute to...Show moreWith the persistent human rights violations experienced by formerly colonized ethnic groups, the current human rights regimes need urgent review as they themselves may inadvertently contribute to violence and human suffering. Contemporary human rights, in theory, ensure all individuals have an equal opportunity to claims their entitlements, assuming inherent systemic equality amongst all individuals and groups. However, through an analysis of the rights claims put forth by eight Tanzanian and Nigerian ethnic groups, this thesis finds that human rights fail to inclusively account for and protect the rights claims of formerly colonized groups and individuals. That is, human rights’ restrictive individualistic focus, colonial roots, and imposition of Western norms on non-Western societies have perpetuated the violence and human suffering amongst certain Tanzanian and Nigerian ethnic groups. Hence, human rights frameworks should be reconstructed in a manner that acknowledges existing structural barriers to equality and reduces its focus on individualism through improved collective rights provisions. Such reforms may enhance the recognition of an ethnic group, promote social justice, and address systemic inequalities.Show less
Sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) perpetrated by UN peacekeepers has been a pressing issue since the 1990s. Throughout the years, the UN has been scrutinized for contributing to a culture of...Show moreSexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) perpetrated by UN peacekeepers has been a pressing issue since the 1990s. Throughout the years, the UN has been scrutinized for contributing to a culture of impunity, in which cases of SEA are not appropriately reported and investigated, and in which perpetrators do not receive adequate penalties. In 2017, Secretary-General Antonio Guterres proposed a “New Approach” that provided measures aimed at enhancing criminal accountability through strengthening reporting, investigation, and follow-up. The purpose of this paper is to explore whether the “New Approach” has been successful in effectively setting an end to impunity of peacekeepers. Taking on a qualitative exploratory methodological approach, the puzzle is answered by analyzing the contents of the “New Approach”, and by comparing whether the proclaimed measures for enhancing accountability have been implemented in practice before 2018 and from 2018 on. I find that the “New Approach” is inherently flawed. While some provisions have been implemented that enhance criminal accountability, shortcomings in the reporting and investigation mechanisms remain. Especially, however, there are fundamental flaws in the prosecution mechanisms of substantiated SEA cases, as there are jurisdictional gaps within the UN system. These lead to an impossibility of achieving criminal accountability for all perpetrators. Thus, the ”New Approach” was ineffective in ending impunity of peacekeepers that commit SEA.Show less
Ever since various IPCC reports have shown the impact and consequences of human action on the climate, an increasing number of policymakers start to realize the urgency of altering the way humans...Show moreEver since various IPCC reports have shown the impact and consequences of human action on the climate, an increasing number of policymakers start to realize the urgency of altering the way humans deal with it. Consequently, climate policies have emerged in the European political realm aimed at mitigating climate change. However, Europe has seen a recent rise of farmer protest movements that oppose these climate policies. Often labelled as being ‘anti-climate’, these protest movements seem to have deeper underlying causes. Policy perception impacts the way citizens react, which should be considered during the implementation of policy. This thesis analyses the cases of Germany and the Netherlands with interview data of various protest groups elites and experts. It argues that when citizens feel that climate policies are unfair, exclusive, untrustworthy and their financial costs are perceived as high, protest movements will arise and intensify. In addition, results show that perceived sociocultural costs are most important for protest movement emergence and intensification. Policymakers should deal with these perceptions adequately if they want to implement climate policies effectively.Show less
This study examines the extent to which the Multilateral Intelligence Cooperation (MIC) model can account for the increase in intelligence cooperation between European Union Member States (EU MS)...Show moreThis study examines the extent to which the Multilateral Intelligence Cooperation (MIC) model can account for the increase in intelligence cooperation between European Union Member States (EU MS) in the field of counterterrorism. It is an explanatory deductive study employing qualitative methods, more specifically process-tracing, using data obtained from interviews and analysis of primary and secondary sources. The Madrid 2004 bombings and November 2015 Paris attacks are used as case studies to provide in-depth analysis of the MIC framework. The findings indicate that the driver internal demand contributes significantly to a MS’ decision to engage in intelligence exchange. The other two drivers, external pressure and cooperative momentum, are clearly discernible but have a smaller impact. Additionally, this research examines the MIC model’s limitations and discusses alternative factors crucial for establishing effective multilateral intelligence cooperation.Show less
Despite the main function of the United Nations (UN) peacekeepers being to protect civilians in war-torn territories, allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) committed by said...Show moreDespite the main function of the United Nations (UN) peacekeepers being to protect civilians in war-torn territories, allegations of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) committed by said peacekeepers continue to arise during every peacekeeping mission. Much of the previous scholarship has focused on the structural and institutional causes of the problem, primarily focusing on factors such as immunities, data gathering mechanisms and training programs. The feminist scholarship has also been increasingly vocal on the matter, stressing the importance of gender framing in UN documents and policies. Nevertheless, the feminist theory has continuously resorted to normative studies, lacking any empirical backing to their arguments. This thesis investigates whether a condescending and victimizing way in which women are framed in a series of UN documents can serve as a possible explanation for the continued SEA perpetrated by the UN peacekeepers. A critical discourse analysis of the UN’s zero-tolerance policy, SEA pre-training manual and mission mandates demonstrated that UN’s discourse on gender can be one of the reasons why SEA is continuously committed by the peacekeepers.Show less
United Nations peacekeeping missions are increasingly criticised for their failures to protect civilians and even for human rights abuses by peacekeepers. The victims of this misconduct have been...Show moreUnited Nations peacekeeping missions are increasingly criticised for their failures to protect civilians and even for human rights abuses by peacekeepers. The victims of this misconduct have been trying to get reparation in court by holding the UN legally accountable. However, with the UN being protected by its immunity, they have started turning to the State as an alternative legal avenue. The academic debate has followed this turn of events by asking if and how a troop-contributing country (TCC) should be held accountable in court. Scholars are arguing in favour of applying the ‘effective control’ test to reach attribution to the State. This thesis will, therefore, aim to answer the question: In what ways can the ‘effective control’ test contribute to State accountability in peacekeeping? It will do so by applying a qualitative, legal doctrinal approach to a case study: the fall of Srebrenica (1995). The Srebrenica cases (2008-2019), which ensued from this instance of peacekeeping failure, provide insights into the contribution of the ‘effective control’ test to peacekeeping accountability. This thesis will conclude that the ‘effective control’ test according to the preventive interpretation, based on Article 7 ARIO, allows for a wide attribution to the State and thus State accountability in peacekeeping.Show less
The study of regional security governance has gained much attention in the past years, particularly in regions such as Europe, Africa, and Asia. While the existing literature is focused upon those...Show moreThe study of regional security governance has gained much attention in the past years, particularly in regions such as Europe, Africa, and Asia. While the existing literature is focused upon those regions, this thesis will focus upon the Pacific region. The Pacific is vulnerable to a variety of non-traditional security issues (e.g. non-military), ranging from Environmental Security to Cybersecurity. These transborder threats ask for a regional response. Through an exploratory analysis of the security governance systems governing Environmental Security and Cybersecurity, this thesis gives a comprehensive understanding of the governance of non-traditional security issues in the Pacific region. Findings indicate that Climate Security is governed by a clear security governance system, while Cybersecurity is governed by a hybrid system that contains characteristics of two systems.Show less
While small states lack the military and economic resources to affect the behaviour of other states, they do have access to other forms of power that they can utilize when in conflict with a major...Show moreWhile small states lack the military and economic resources to affect the behaviour of other states, they do have access to other forms of power that they can utilize when in conflict with a major power. This research examines the ways in which the Philippines, as a small state, uses these forms of power to overcome the structural constraints that it faces in its conflict with China, a major power, in their conflict over the South China Sea. These different forms of power are categorised into four types: particular-intrinsic, derivative, collective and legal. This research has found that by using certain types of power, the Philippines precludes itself from using other types of power. The different types of power, when used successfully, can also be used to amplify or enhance other types of power. Finally, this research has found that there are limits placed on the use of derivative power of major powers by different domestic interest groups.Show less
The legitimacy of NATO is a continuing source of debate since the end of the Cold War. Now-adays with a changing security environment due to new threats like terrorism, NATO’s legiti-macy depends...Show moreThe legitimacy of NATO is a continuing source of debate since the end of the Cold War. Now-adays with a changing security environment due to new threats like terrorism, NATO’s legiti-macy depends on alternatives to traditional warfare. To meet parts of those challenges NATO adopted the Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) agenda which came as a surprise to most femi-nists and was soon depicted as co-opted for NATO’s interest. While the existing literature does not link the WPS agenda to legitimacy, this thesis assesses to what extent the WPS agenda is used to enhance NATO's legitimacy thus justify NATO’s military interventions. For this pur-pose, a discourse analysis in official statements of NATO member states disclosed an overview of legitimation dynamics in relation to the WPS agenda. The findings indicate that the member states use the WPS agenda to legitimize NATO and its military interventions, but depending on the discursive target either to the international or domestic public.Show less
