This thesis investigates the political effect of the United States’ African Growth and Opportunity Act, a non-reciprocal trade agreement granting eligible Sub-Saharan African states tariff free...Show moreThis thesis investigates the political effect of the United States’ African Growth and Opportunity Act, a non-reciprocal trade agreement granting eligible Sub-Saharan African states tariff free access to the US-American market. In both the scholarly literature and real-world politics, the threat of AGOA suspension seems to spook African leaders. The exclusion mechanism is highly exploitable and political compliance therefore important to stay included in the agreement. The economic impact of AGOA is however highly limited. This thesis tackles the puzzle of why an agreement with no major economic impact leads to political compliance to the US by its member states. My argument is the limitation of AGOA’s utilization to a capacity-abundant elite, which can afford to overcome the utilization barriers (high transportation costs, permits, etc.) and earn the agreements benefits. Following the elite theory, this benefitting elite is then able to influence its government to comply with US policies, in order for AGOA benefits to retain.Show less
On the 24th of February 2022, Russia undertook the largest land invasion into a sovereign state since World War II. The unprecedented move was met with a swift deployment of economic tools to deter...Show moreOn the 24th of February 2022, Russia undertook the largest land invasion into a sovereign state since World War II. The unprecedented move was met with a swift deployment of economic tools to deter the invasion and increase Russia’s costs of sustaining the military effort in the long term. As a result of this economic warfare between Russia and the Global North, sovereign assets of more than 300 Billion US Dollars belonging to the Russian Central Bank (RCB) have been frozen. This constituted the largest seizure of sovereign assets since World War II. As of June 2024, calls in the United States and the European Union to use the RCB assets for Ukraine’s military and humanitarian efforts have only been amplifying. These voices neglect international legal perspectives- specifically from the Global South- which highlight the discourses on sovereign immunity and countermeasures. These voices probe the following questions: What do the RCB sanctions mean for the existing sovereign immunity regime? What is the validity of the countermeasures doctrine with regards to the RCB? And most importantly, what do such measures mean for Western financial hegemony? This thesis encapsulates all these legal discourses by asking the question: What is the legality of the Global North states’ sanctions against the Russian Central Bank?Show less
This thesis investigates the factors explaining the varying levels of success of international funded microfinance projects in Kenya, focusing on the role of the theory of asymmetric information....Show moreThis thesis investigates the factors explaining the varying levels of success of international funded microfinance projects in Kenya, focusing on the role of the theory of asymmetric information. This research highlights Kenya as a critical case due to its significant financial exclusion, and many Kenyans lacking access to basic financial services. Through process tracing, the thesis examines the impact of microfinance projects funded by the World Bank and the European Union. The analysis reveals that the World Bank’s emphasis on sustainability and innovations leads to higher success levels compared to the European Union’s focus on long-term loans and gender equality. Additionally, the World Bank’s ability to navigate and mitigate problems caused by asymmetric information contributes significantly to the success of its projects. This thesis contributes to the broader theoretical debate on international development finance, providing insights into optimizing the operations of global financial institutions. The implications of this thesis are relevant for both developed and developing countries, as they provide for financial inclusion and poverty reduction, ultimately benefiting the global economy.Show less
Efforts to tackle the global climate crisis are increasingly complicated by the rise of right-wing populism (RWP) and persistent geopolitical crises. This paper investigates the understudied...Show moreEfforts to tackle the global climate crisis are increasingly complicated by the rise of right-wing populism (RWP) and persistent geopolitical crises. This paper investigates the understudied intersection of these challenges by analyzing how do right-wing populists use nationalist rhetoric to influence climate change action in times of geopolitical crisis? The question is explored with a focus on the Law and Justice (Prawo i Sprawiedliwość, PiS) party of Poland, in particular its discourse in parliamentary committee sessions amidst the Russian war against Ukraine and subsequent energy crisis. Through a discourse analysis, it was found that the war served as a justification for PiS to concentrate on short-term solutions prioritizing fossil-fuel based energy security. Polish RWP capitalized on the war-induced crisis by using nationalist rhetoric to undermine the energy transition away from coal and EU climate measures. These findings underscore how geopolitical crises and political ideologies can create significant barriers to effective global climate action.Show less
Linkages between nature and nationalism are re-emerging, gaining momentum on the political agenda of far-right actors. To examine this intersection, this research employs the theoretical framework...Show moreLinkages between nature and nationalism are re-emerging, gaining momentum on the political agenda of far-right actors. To examine this intersection, this research employs the theoretical framework of Forchtner and Kølvraa (2015), focused on the aesthetic, material and symbolic dimensions of nature in nationalism. Considering the aforementioned elements, this analysis offers insights into the field of right-wing rhetoric using Poland as a case study. This paper finds that although these categories can be analytically productive, the reality of far-right communication showcases the interplay of these dimensions. In essence, this research displays how the far-right actors find justification for the nationalist narratives within the concept of nature by referencing the nation’s resource sovereignty, national identity, history or beauty of unspoiled natural landscapes.Show less
The European Union (EU) is facing a crisis of territorial integrity: one of its member states and several of its candidate members have had parts of their territory under occupation as a result of...Show moreThe European Union (EU) is facing a crisis of territorial integrity: one of its member states and several of its candidate members have had parts of their territory under occupation as a result of foreign aggression, with the occupation ongoing for an extended time period in each case. It is unclear whether action taken to recover territory from long-running occupation is legal under the law on self-defence. Treaty law does not rule out such an option, but its approval is implicit at best. Furthermore, publicists are split on the matter between those who favour the preservation of the right to self-defence throughout time, especially for weaker victims of aggression, and those who prefer to regard the restored peace and new status quo resulting from long-running occupation. These divisions warrant a turn to customary law for answers. A case study of state practice and opinio juris in the question of Cyprus, the sole member state of the EU under partial military occupation, reveals contrasting findings. The international community, through the positions of the United Nations (UN) Security Council and the General Assembly, has repeatedly condemned the occupation and considered any new status quo as illegal. At the same time, the Security Council undertook measures under Chapter VII of the UN Charter to cease the right of Cyprus to self-defence, including by non-forcible means, although these measures were ineffective in attaining the end of occupation and the withdrawal of unauthorised foreign troops from the island. This raises the question whether the formulation of Article 51, requiring “necessary action” by the Security Council to end the right to self-defence while not mentioning sufficiency, is adequate in cases of long-standing aggression.Show less
