Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
The violent repression of non- violent protests is not an uncommon situation across the world. Current scholarship on this issue leads us to believe that countries with similar political history,...Show moreThe violent repression of non- violent protests is not an uncommon situation across the world. Current scholarship on this issue leads us to believe that countries with similar political history, structures and challenges would react in a similar way to non- violent protests. However that is not the case with Chile, Brazil and Uruguay. Why- despite of sharing many political, historical and social similarities- their experience with authoritarian rule in the past and democracy nowadays present different responses to non- violent social protests? Drawing on repression scales and data collections this thesis will answer this puzzle around the repression of non-violent social protests in South American Democracies by arguing that some past aspects of their history - such as their transition back to democracy- as well as some present variables – elites and military continuity and degree of threat play a role in that.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
This work examines the discourse of the political leaders on the Crimean crisis of 2014. It explores the development of national identities of Russia and Ukraine, from historical roots to modernity...Show moreThis work examines the discourse of the political leaders on the Crimean crisis of 2014. It explores the development of national identities of Russia and Ukraine, from historical roots to modernity, in the context of political discoursive encounters. This work is focused on the struggle for legitimization, the Other, and the states as actors that emerge in the discourse.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
Why do some self-determination movements manage to achieve autonomy, while others fail to extract such salient concessions during peace negotiations? Although one would expect supporters of the...Show moreWhy do some self-determination movements manage to achieve autonomy, while others fail to extract such salient concessions during peace negotiations? Although one would expect supporters of the self-determination movement to unite in their struggle against the incumbent regime, recent literature has demonstrated that they tend to fight each other just as often as they fight the government in their competition for political relevance. Yet, little has been done to explain the effects such infighting has on the peace negotiations. Based on the comparison of the cases of Southern Sudan and Darfur, this study shows that more cohesive movements are able to extract much more salient concessions that address the conflict’s master cleavage and reflect the characteristics of a club good. The findings further suggest that fragmented movements tend to be paid off rather than yielded to by the incumbent government, thus rendering the achievement of peace utterly unattainable. Future research will have to examine whether these findings hold an explanatory power in contexts outside of Sudan.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
This thesis examines how governments legitimate and justify climate change policies. It focuses on the dissonant nature of the Australian climate change policy regime since 1987, and in particular...Show moreThis thesis examines how governments legitimate and justify climate change policies. It focuses on the dissonant nature of the Australian climate change policy regime since 1987, and in particular it looks at how successive administrations have legitimated policies which range from ignorance, to acceptance, to outright denial of climate change. In order to achieve this goal, government discourse from 1987–2014 is parsed and analysed according to a predetermined schema. The dominant, marginalised, and challenging discursive fields are studied, and specific attention is paid to how these narratives change in light of certain stimuli (such as economic recessions or natural disasters). It is revealed that traditional, neo-liberal economic narratives have been hegemonic, and thus used overwhelmingly both to legitimate and resist climate change policy regimes. Scientific and ethical considerations have played smaller but still significant roles in justifying and criticising policy regimes. Notably, the actual and predicted effects of climate change are largely absent from the government discourse. As a result, this thesis adds to the existing literature by providing a complete and coherent study of how the justification of Australian climate change policy has varied over the past three decades, shedding light on the dissonant nature of the Australian climate change policy regimes, and raising concerns about the focus of the climate change discussions espoused by the government.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
Since its establishment in 2002, the International Criminal Court (ICC) has taken on the ambitious goal of ending impunity for the gravest international crimes. However, this judicial institution...Show moreSince its establishment in 2002, the International Criminal Court (ICC) has taken on the ambitious goal of ending impunity for the gravest international crimes. However, this judicial institution has been strongly criticized for arguably obstructing peace. Although peace and justice are inevitably linked, blindly pursuing justice without considering political implications such as its potential impact on peace negotiations is not only reckless, but fails to recognize the existence of a bigger picture. This thesis attempts to analyze the conditions under which ICC intervention in ongoing civil conflict facilitates the success or failure of peace negotiations. I argue that international law cannot be seen as functioning in complete isolation from politics. If ICC action has in fact an impact on peace negotiations, the ICC needs to be aware of this and take it into account before intervening in an ongoing conflict. In order to analyze this argument, I will conduct two case studies on the situation and peace negotiations in Uganda and Darfur, Sudan, respectively.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
Economic diplomacy is now a standard practice. However, the strategies that countries use differ. This thesis examines if countries in the same income category, low middle, upper middle and high...Show moreEconomic diplomacy is now a standard practice. However, the strategies that countries use differ. This thesis examines if countries in the same income category, low middle, upper middle and high-income have similar strategy. It would follow from the literature that based on high-income status a more advance and integrated strategy is used. Research in this thesis concludes that especially the countries in the upper middle-income category are still traditional in their policy development and management, but when it comes to economic aid donors these countries have innovative programs in place.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
closed access
When people look back at the 21st century they will undoubtedly characterize China’s rise as one of the major events. As the country ascends to a great power status, its regional and international...Show moreWhen people look back at the 21st century they will undoubtedly characterize China’s rise as one of the major events. As the country ascends to a great power status, its regional and international counterparts observe how Beijing will project its power. The East Asian neighboring states have been tenser because of their ongoing maritime territorial disputes with China. Multiple diplomatic episodes from the mid-2000s until today in the East and South China Seas and demonstrations of Chinese assertiveness in pursuing its national claims have been at the heart of regional tension and instability. In this context, the present thesis poses the following research question: Which factors explain China’s assertive behavior in the East and South China Seas? My main argument is that China’s assertiveness is due primarily to three factors, which are: Beijing’s reactions to other states’ actions, Chinese popular nationalism demand for a stronger external presence and its growing necessity to acquire natural resources and safeguard national transportation corridors. In order to examine the effects of these three factors I have undertaken two case studies, namely the case of Japan and the East China Sea contention and the case of the Philippines and the South China Sea contention.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
closed access
The participation of nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) and private individuals have become more important in human rights issues in international politics in the past decades. Oftentimes NGOs in...Show moreThe participation of nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) and private individuals have become more important in human rights issues in international politics in the past decades. Oftentimes NGOs in different countries with similar issue concerns form ‘transnational advocacy networks’ with the believe that such cooperation is beneficial to achieve goals in their agenda. This thesis is based on Keck and Sikkink’s theory of transnational advocacy network, and engages in the analysis on how the East Asian transnational advocacy network on the comfort women issue emerged forty years after the War was over, and what brought the NGOs in different Asian countries together other than just the nationalities of the former comfort women, and formed the ‘boomerang pattern’. Next, it analyses on the strategies adopted by the East Asian transnational advocacy network on the comfort women issue, and their strategies are categorised by what Keck and Sikkink listed as information, symbolic, leverage, and accountability politics. It then turns to the international responses, most importantly, the responses from the Japanese government on the comfort women issue, also responses from other states. Last, it assesses the achievement and challenges faced by the comfort women movement based on the five criteria proposed by Keck and Sikkink in evaluating the result of transnational advocacy movements.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
closed access
This thesis assesses the notion that liberal democracies make inherently poor counterinsurgents by conducting a most similar case comparison of the Algerian War (1954- 1962) and the Second Chechen...Show moreThis thesis assesses the notion that liberal democracies make inherently poor counterinsurgents by conducting a most similar case comparison of the Algerian War (1954- 1962) and the Second Chechen War (1999-2009). By comparing two cases where prominent variables were common, other than regime type and case outcome, this paper was able to determine that regime type does matter in small wars. Although both counterinsurgents were able to achieve military success through brutality, regime type was ultimately consequential to the outcomes of the small wars. Whereas the more authoritarian state (Russia) was relatively unimpeded in its war effort, the democratic state (France) ultimately lost the war due to the freedom of the media and its democratic institutions. In France, the media exposed the barbarisms of the army, generating condemnation at both domestic and international levels. This opposition to the war effort would prove insurmountable to the democratic state. Through coercion, France sought to suppress domestic criticism, but in doing so, eroded the democratic virtue of the state. Ultimately faced with the option of either preserving democracy or maintaining the brutal, but effective, counterinsurgency, France capitulated, ending its colonial rule in Algeria. Russia, on the other hand, was never held accountable due to an aggressive information operations campaign that precluded the war effort from becoming a prominent public issue. As the suppression of public criticism is unavailable to democratic states, democracies are found to be inherently less proficient at counterinsurgency.Show less