Making a decision on participation in crisis-management operations is part of foreign policy of a country. It is a government decision and in the Netherlands there has been an art.100procedure...Show moreMaking a decision on participation in crisis-management operations is part of foreign policy of a country. It is a government decision and in the Netherlands there has been an art.100procedure developed. With the final evaluation of the operation the art.100procedure is completed. Central to the study is if the political result, which is the outcome of the interaction between the government and parliament during the parliamentary debate on the art.100letter, is part of the final evaluation of the crisis-management operation. On the basis of case studies, document analysis and interviews, the study was conducted within a specific framework of the Foreign Policy Analysis (FPA) as developed by Carlsnaes, namely the intentional and the structural dimension. The cases are three crisis-management operations, namely EUFOR Chad, SFIR/Iraq, ISAF/Uruzgan. To determine the political result the relevant parliamentary publications were analysed for each case, with an analysis scheme and within the framework of the FPA. This scheme has criteria that are derived from three main categories, namely international relations theories, the assessment framework of 2001, and subjects from the self-reflection of the Lower House. The empirical analysis (the case studies) surprisingly shows that the political result is almost not visible in the final evaluation.Show less
In dit onderzoek wordt onderzocht of de integratie op het gebied van arbeidsmobiliteit in de Europese Unie verloopt via endogene Optimum Currency Areas mechanismen. Voor dit onderzoek is een aantal...Show moreIn dit onderzoek wordt onderzocht of de integratie op het gebied van arbeidsmobiliteit in de Europese Unie verloopt via endogene Optimum Currency Areas mechanismen. Voor dit onderzoek is een aantal preparatory acts geanalyseerd om een beeld te krijgen van de motieven die leidend zijn bij voorstellen op het gebied van arbeidsmobiliteit. Preparatory acts zijn voorbereidende documenten, geschreven door de Europese Commissie, die toewerken naar een richtlijn of een andere vorm van Europese wetgeving. Om een duidelijk beeld te krijgen van de gevoerde discussie tussen de belanghebbende actoren zijn de verslagen van de Europese nieuwsbron Euractiv ook meegenomen in de analyse. Uit de resultaten zal blijken dat de endogene Optimum Currency Areas mechanismen niet in staat zijn de motieven voor arbeidsmobiliteit integratie te verklaren. De motieven die wel worden aangedragen door de wetgevende actoren voor de integratie van arbeidsmobiliteit zijn het optimaliseren van de gemeenschappelijke interne markt en het zorgen voor meer werkgelegenheid in de Europese Unie.Show less
International Relations theories have generally accepted the idea that the global system is structured by the principle of anarchy. In some regional systems however, the anarchical character of the...Show moreInternational Relations theories have generally accepted the idea that the global system is structured by the principle of anarchy. In some regional systems however, the anarchical character of the international politics has disappeared because of external hegemonic actors who have transformed the regional system into a hierarchical regional structure. In this structure, the distribution of power is affected to the extent that the regional dynamics are no longer determined by a state of anarchy but by a state of hierarchy, in which the hegemonic state renders regional competition by the subordinate states meaningless. Cooperation on conflict management in these regional systems is therefore bound to have different outcomes than in systems characterized by anarchy, as is shown in the case study of Central Asia, since uncertainty does not prevail and a central government (in the form of the hegemonic actor) is able to impose order on the regional members. Re-conceptualizing the systemic structure in which regional conflict management functions will enhance understanding of the changing world order, and improve predictions of state behavior in hierarchical regional structures.Show less
This paper intends to explain the discrepancy in Western response to cases of conflict which appear to be comparable, and it aims to do so through a realist study of the West’s self-interest...Show moreThis paper intends to explain the discrepancy in Western response to cases of conflict which appear to be comparable, and it aims to do so through a realist study of the West’s self-interest involved. By differentiating these comparable cases between ‘Western’ and ‘non-Western’, this paper intends to put forward the theory that the West is biased towards non-Western conflict management activities in general. Thereby contradicting the commonplace Western-based literature, this paper aims to voice an alternative interpretation of the reasoning behind Western responses to non-Western efforts of managing conflict. Through studying four cases of interstate conflict management activities which did not enjoy implicit Security Council approval, and two further comparable and illustrative cases of domestic conflict, this paper aims to present empirical evidence for the theory as proposed. This analysis will adhere to a qualitative research design, and it will combine elements of a content- and discourse-analysis, thereby relying on scholarly written work as well as on political and media discourse related to the selected cases. As this analysis will subsequently conclude, the selected cases indeed illustrate an inconsistency in Western response to either Western or non-Western conflict management activities, thereby ruling in favour of the here argued theory that the West is biased towards non-Western efforts of managing conflict. Due to the argued Western ‘moral high ground’ in international affairs, this bias is consequently portrayed as a standard by Western governmental leaders and by Western media, thereby leading to a one-sided discussion in which non-Western countries have an inherent disadvantage; something this paper intends to contradict.Show less
The Post-Cold War period has seen an increase both in civil conflict and third-party intervention. Previous research has understudied regime change that occurs in civil conflicts that are...Show moreThe Post-Cold War period has seen an increase both in civil conflict and third-party intervention. Previous research has understudied regime change that occurs in civil conflicts that are accompanied by humanitarian intervention. By means of a mixed-method analysis, this research project shows that while humanitarian intervention and regime change often occur sequentially on the macro level, there are no indications that the relationship is causal on the micro level once the process of regime change is ongoing. Regime change, it is argued, is elicited by a rapid breakdown of coercive capacities of the state that precedes the involvement of a third-party.Show less
Scharpf's theorie stelt dat wanneer output legitimiteit de primaire bron van legitimiteit is van een organisatie en de behaalde resultaten tegenvallen er een afname zal zijn in het vertrouwen in de...Show moreScharpf's theorie stelt dat wanneer output legitimiteit de primaire bron van legitimiteit is van een organisatie en de behaalde resultaten tegenvallen er een afname zal zijn in het vertrouwen in de organisatie. De ECB wordt in de publieke opinie niet afgerekend op het wel/niet halen van de prijsstabiliteit doelstelling. Desalniettemin is er een verband tussen het verergeren van de economische situatie in een land en de mate van steun voor de EMU.Show less
Research master thesis | Political Science and Public Administration (research) (MSc)
open access
This study investigates the relationship between actorness and effectiveness and questions the direct influence of coherent behavior united positions of EU member states on the degree of activeness...Show moreThis study investigates the relationship between actorness and effectiveness and questions the direct influence of coherent behavior united positions of EU member states on the degree of activeness the EU exerts during an international crisis. It looks at the interplay between actorness, the institutional setup of the EU and the role it took up during different crises. In addition to that, it questions the direct relation between a high degree of actorness translating into more influence on the international stage. It does so by answering the question if a more coherent foreign policy – as it is generally argued – would better enable the EU to exploit its capability as an international actor in global affairs. Two cases were studied to find answers on these questions: the Mali and the Syrian crises. In fact, the Mali crisis was characterized by a high degree of cohesive behavior, whereas in the Syrian crisis frictions were predominant even though a comprehensive sanctions regime could be installed. Institutional aspects, namely the changes with regards to EU foreign policy introduced by the Lisbon Treaty as well as characteristics of the member states, including size and length of membership, were vital as well. Further, the activeness of the EU in both crisis was different in the way that the EU took up a more active and decisive role in the Mali crisis as compared to Syria. Therefore, the expected effect could be found in both cases.Show less
This paper looks at several voting power indices based upon the Banzhaf power index that take into account the ideology of voters. It then applies these indices to a voting body that is divided...Show moreThis paper looks at several voting power indices based upon the Banzhaf power index that take into account the ideology of voters. It then applies these indices to a voting body that is divided ideologically, the European Parliament. The modified power indices tend to reduce the voting power of party groups in extreme ideological positions, to the benefit of the median party group.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
Wartime rape has been part of the armed conflicts from time immemorial. In today’s conflicts, armed groups use rape against the civilian population as a weapon, a tactic, strategy, and a means to...Show moreWartime rape has been part of the armed conflicts from time immemorial. In today’s conflicts, armed groups use rape against the civilian population as a weapon, a tactic, strategy, and a means to exterminating the enemy. Wartime rape is a difficult phenomenon to explain, generalize and ultimately stop given the variance of factors and actors involved. When civil war became the primary form of warfare around the world in the 1990s, wartime rape became one the essential components of prosecuting warfare. The aim of this thesis is to explain the high prevalence of wartime rape in the Great Lakes region of Africa. Drawing on contemporary theories used to explain the rationale behind wartime rape (gender inequality, ethnic hatred, genocidal rape and strategic rape), this thesis argues that the subordinate position of women, ethnic cleavage, the occurrence of genocide and forcible recruitment implying hierarchy increase the level of wartime rape. Using a mixed method, the first stage compromises a statistical analysis exposing the general trends, which are surprisingly contrary to expectation. The subsequent case studies – Rwanda and the DRC – argue that the high level of wartime rape in the Great Lakes region is the result of a spill over effect and all its related implications and complications.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
It is argued that host country factors have predictive value for the completion of Chinese investment in overseas oil and gas assets, as well as for the value of such deals. Using this thesis’...Show moreIt is argued that host country factors have predictive value for the completion of Chinese investment in overseas oil and gas assets, as well as for the value of such deals. Using this thesis’ unique dataset, which accounts for 198 states worldwide and the time period 1999-2012, four hypotheses are tested by performing ordered logit regression and Tobit regression analyses. Anticipating the results, the five main findings are presented here. For unambiguous interpretation, note that ‘Chinese investment’ refers to investment in overseas oil and gas assets. First, contrary to the impression obtained from media reports quoted above, Chinese investment is more likely to be accepted in states with institutional designs ranking higher in terms of institutional quality. Second, rentier states, whose leaders politically depend on the control over natural resources, do not take the expected defensive stance towards Chinese investments. Instead, a host country’s oil dependence is positively related to not only deal completion per se, but also to the amount of money invested. Gas dependence, on the other hand, is not significant in any of the models presented here. Third, Chinese investment is not only more likely, but also granted in higher volumes, in states that rank higher in terms of creditworthiness. Fourth, the financial crisis has provided all three Chinese investors - the NOCs, CDB, and CIC - with an opportunity to increase chances of deal completion as well as the amount invested. Fifth, separate analyses for Asia indicate that Chinese investment follows different patterns in its regional neighborhood, highlighting the need for further research to build on this thesis.Show less
