Master thesis | Cultural Anthropology and Development Sociology (MSc)
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Men beschouwt het vermogen om te communiceren vaak als evident. Wanneer we echter gaan praten met doven en slechthorenden merken we hoe zeer we een zintuig als ons gehoor moeten waarderen. Het...Show moreMen beschouwt het vermogen om te communiceren vaak als evident. Wanneer we echter gaan praten met doven en slechthorenden merken we hoe zeer we een zintuig als ons gehoor moeten waarderen. Het verliezen van het gehoor, of het nu veel of weinig is, zal gevolgen hebben voor de communicatie met anderen, en dus voor de toegang tot sociale relaties, locaties en het vervullen van behoeften. Het missen van een communicatiemiddel zoals gehoor zorgt ervoor dat men nieuwe manieren moet zoeken om sociale relaties te kunnen onderhouden. Daarnaast zullen bepaalde locaties niet meer gemakkelijk of zelfs helemaal niet toegankelijk zijn. Dit alles heeft tot gevolg dat men niet meer in alle eigen behoeftes kan voorzien. Denk hierbij aan zoiets simpels als naar de favoriete muziek luisteren of tot het kunnen communiceren met een vriend enzovoorts. Of iemand nu doof of slechthorend wordt geboren of dit op latere leeftijd meemaakt, het zal hoe dan ook de persoon beperken in zijn of haar toegang.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
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While the European Union is attempting to overcome the obstacles of the various crises which plague the institution, it is of the utmost importance to address the underlying problems of democracy....Show moreWhile the European Union is attempting to overcome the obstacles of the various crises which plague the institution, it is of the utmost importance to address the underlying problems of democracy. The Lisbon Treaty has made necessary and valuable changes to the democratic model of the EU, but has not gone far enough. As the analysis in this thesis demonstrates, there are still various dimensions of democratic deficit in the EU which need to be resolved. Further democratization and deeper integration, as is argued in this work, would be able to solve many of the identified deficits.Show less
Wars have substantial consequences for the consolidation of democracy, and have caused demographic, socio-economic and social problems in the countries of the Former Yugoslavia. However, what is...Show moreWars have substantial consequences for the consolidation of democracy, and have caused demographic, socio-economic and social problems in the countries of the Former Yugoslavia. However, what is striking is that not only has their Europeanization process differed from other Central and Eastern European countries, but also that among them a differentiated form of integration has taken place. On the one hand there are countries like Slovenia, a full EU member state, and Croatia, an acceding country set to join in July 2013, and on the other hand, countries like Serbia, a candidate country, and Bosnia i Herzegovina, a potential candidate, which have a long way to go on the path to membership. What are the reasons for these differences? How can we explain such variation in degrees of EU membership given that these countries were part of the same state a mere twenty-two years ago? What factors explain the quick democratic consolidation and compliance with EU conditionality of some FY states, on one hand, and the fragmented, problematic and generally slow Europeanization process of other FY states on the other? In order to answer these questions, this thesis examines the role of two key factors in determining different degrees of EU membership – the role of ethnicity, and the legacy of civil war in the internal political environment.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
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Why is it that some separatist movements remain united while others fragment into competing factions? While one would expect supporters of a separatist movement to be united in the struggle against...Show moreWhy is it that some separatist movements remain united while others fragment into competing factions? While one would expect supporters of a separatist movement to be united in the struggle against their common enemy, the state, recent literature has shown that they often spend valuable time and resources on internal rivalries – yet little research has been done to explain this phenomenon. Based on a comparison of the cases of the Armenians in Azerbaijan, the Chechens in Russia, and the Abkhaz in their struggle with Georgia, this thesis shows that the ability of the separatist movement to establish institutions capable of providing effective governance is essential in understanding processes of cohesion and fragmentation. It further illustrates that the strength of the incumbent state as well as the amount of external support a separatist movement receives play into these processes in important ways. Future research will have to show whether these variables hold the same explanatory power in other contexts.Show less
One of the foremost controversies apparent following the 2011 intervention in Libya, was the outcome of regime change. Critics charge the facilitation of the Gadaffi regime's overthrow was not...Show moreOne of the foremost controversies apparent following the 2011 intervention in Libya, was the outcome of regime change. Critics charge the facilitation of the Gadaffi regime's overthrow was not justifiable under the United Nations mandate, not justifiable under the prominent 'Responsibility to Protect' norm and may have undermined efforts to resolve the ongoing humanitarian crisis in Syria. However, it is asserted that in situations where intervention is undertaken to stop atrocities committed by a government, the removal of that regime is necessary in achieving its aims. In exploring this link between humanitarian intervention and regime change, this piece analyses how the academic literature can justify the enactment of regime change in instances of intervention. This relationship otherwise lacks a sustained analysis in the academic literature. Whilst regime change is often difficult to justify in instances of humanitarian intervention, and inevitably controversial, this analysis will demonstrate that it is also often a necessity in achieving an intervention's humanitarian goals.Show less
The question of minority treatment, and illiberal minority treatment in particular, is an often contended subject among political philosophers. As most Western liberal democracies are multicultural...Show moreThe question of minority treatment, and illiberal minority treatment in particular, is an often contended subject among political philosophers. As most Western liberal democracies are multicultural it seems that this topic will remain relevant for a long time to come. This thesis presents the arguments of both autonomy liberalism and toleration liberalism in respect to the treatment of illiberal cultures within a liberal democratic state. While the arguments for toleration-based approach to liberalism are acknowledged and discussed, I devote a significant portion of this work to the defence of personal autonomy as the fundamental value within liberalism, as well as a value necessary to be acknowledged even by illiberal immigrant groups residing within a liberal democracy. Literature on the subject by well-established political philosophers is often focused solely on examples relevant to the United States of America, Canada or United Kingdom. The scope of this thesis is aimed at cases and national minorities relevant to Western Europe. The limits to toleration of illiberal minorities, which I establish in chapter 3, are in large part influenced by my understanding of personal autonomy as the fundamental value of liberalism, as well as by my interpretation of Raz's perception of personal value in both liberal and illiberal states. The differentiation of national minorities relevant to Europe from those relevant to the American continent is the focus for selecting the guiding principles for the evaluation of self-government claims of said minorities, a topic to which the entire chapter 4 is devoted.Show less
The expression of public opinion varies depending on the issue. This variation could be linked to highly salient issues. We argue that public opinion will be more involved in the case of highly...Show moreThe expression of public opinion varies depending on the issue. This variation could be linked to highly salient issues. We argue that public opinion will be more involved in the case of highly salient issues. In such circumstances, it would be interesting to examine if a higher saliency leads to a more accountable government. While some scholars link foreign policy with domestic debate, few of them link accountability with saliency as a means to verify the importance of domestic factors. Therefore, we will add new elements to the existing literature by focusing on this link. The question guiding our research will try to confirm that governments give more account when facing a salient issue within public opinion. Our question is the following: Does the high salience of a foreign policy issue have an influence on the extent of account-giving by democratic governments to citizens?Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
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Peacebuilding is a critical element of both real-world international relations and academic conflict resolution. Cosmopolitan peacebuilding scholars and critics have entered into a debate in recent...Show morePeacebuilding is a critical element of both real-world international relations and academic conflict resolution. Cosmopolitan peacebuilding scholars and critics have entered into a debate in recent years. Each group makes different assumption, arguments, and predictions about what motivates the actors engaged in peacebuilding; how such activities are designed, organized, and implemented; and what the outcomes and impact of peacebuilding are. In this thesis, I examine history education reform projects in Bosnia and Macedonia in order to determine which theory has greater explanatory power. I find that these two cases generally support the assumptions, arguments, and predictions of cosmopolitan peacebuilding scholars. However, these projects also validate several points made by critics. My findings have many important implications for the conflict resolution and history education fields.Show less
Despite the extensive literature on the democratisation in the post-Soviet region, little effort has been dedicated to the issue of historical institutional legacies. Many designs stress national...Show moreDespite the extensive literature on the democratisation in the post-Soviet region, little effort has been dedicated to the issue of historical institutional legacies. Many designs stress national-level variation in performance and therefore cannot easily explain the differences among the countries emerging from the former Soviet Union. This paper uses process-tracing in a case study of the Baltic States of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania to test the variable of institutional legacies as a possible causal mechanism that aids the transition from authoritarian rule to consolidation of democracy. The analysis aims to contribute to the post-communist democratisation literature by extending the scope to new, unexplored cases and by stressing the importance of pre-communist historical legacy factor for modern institutional design. The analysis finds that the restoration of democratic institutions has pushed the character of the states toward consolidated democracies. Lasting effective governance, with the possible exception of citizenship laws, has in due course been achieved as the character of democratic values has survived Soviet homogenising polices. The conclusion proposes an analysis to measure significant variation between cases with regard to strength of legacy and strength of democratic consolidation in the post-Soviet region and predicts a correlation between these variables.Show less
In ‘de rol van de kerk op het politieke toneel’ wordt een mogelijke revitalisering van de kerkelijke lobbyactiviteit meetbaar gemaakt. Het onderzoek sluit hiermee nauw aan op de maatschappelijke...Show moreIn ‘de rol van de kerk op het politieke toneel’ wordt een mogelijke revitalisering van de kerkelijke lobbyactiviteit meetbaar gemaakt. Het onderzoek sluit hiermee nauw aan op de maatschappelijke discussie, die er bestaat over de toenemende zichtbaarheid van religie in de publieke ruimte. Met het onderzoek wordt ook de ‘traditionele secularisatiethese’ in twijfel getrokken. De traditionele secularisatiethese veronderstelt namelijk dat seculiere differentiatie (de opdeling van het leven in verschillende sferen), ontkerkelijking en privatisering van religie gelijk tred houden, terwijl de revitaliseringsthese seculiere differentiatie en ontkerkelijking juist ziet als katalysatoren van deprivatisering van religie.Show less
The body of liberalism needs defending in a world increasingly hostile to liberal states, but the soul of liberalism is equally under threat, by the increasingly vociferous claims for recognition...Show moreThe body of liberalism needs defending in a world increasingly hostile to liberal states, but the soul of liberalism is equally under threat, by the increasingly vociferous claims for recognition of group difference from the multicultural milieu, which are often in conflict, within its borders. How must a liberal respond to the conflict of values and claims for special recognition? The central focus of this work is to counter arguments that liberalism ought to respond by promoting personal autonomy, i.e., developing liberal individuals and institutions. Rather, in returning to the foundational basis of liberalism - that the irreducibly individual nature of moral reasoning and the fact of diversity demands liberty of conscience - it reasserts the primacy of the principle of toleration and the corollary freedom of association (and exit), as the only theoretically justifiable and coherent liberal response to diversity. This is founded on the universal human value of living according to, or not against, conscience and the striving for peaceable coexistence. A free society then, is one where different groups, illiberal or otherwise, coexist in mutual toleration and where the relevant individual freedom is the right to live according to conscience (howsoever culturally formed or defined) against external interference and, in circumstances of conflict or dissent, the freedom to exit. The implications of this conclusion are that only norms of civility developed by modus operandi may constrain 'illiberal' cultural practices. The liberal state is not invested with this power any more than it is with authority over moral questions; the state is a tyrant by policy when it is granted that authority by principle.Show less
In 2002, a new Local Government Act (LGA) was introduced in Dutch legislation. An important objective of the LGA was to improve the councillors’ representative role and to revive local governance...Show moreIn 2002, a new Local Government Act (LGA) was introduced in Dutch legislation. An important objective of the LGA was to improve the councillors’ representative role and to revive local governance for citizens. Ten years have passed since the introduction of the law, but not all of its objectives have been reached, in particular with regard to the strengthening of the representative role of councillors. Citizens still judge councillors the same as before the introduction of the LGA. Although the position of the council towards the Board of Mayor and Aldermen did improve, councillors did not enhance their external orientation in their relation to the citizenry. It seems that in the realization of the LGA, the political-philosophical foundation of the term ‘representative’ has barely been discussed. Neither the Royal Committee that proposed the legislative reforms or the Dutch government stated their definition and objectives with regard to the representative role explicitly. As a result, the LGA was manifested in municipalities in various ways and the representative role of councillors in particular became the least improved function. I argue that with respect to introducing measures to strengthen the representative role, it is inevitable to first and foremost discuss the political-philosophical background of this term. It becomes clear that because of ideological differences, representatives will implement this function in various ways. It remains to be seen whether it is possible and desirable to define measures in order to ‘improve’ the representative role.Show less
According to the rational choice theory acting cooperative in collective goods problems is not rational because the benefits of cooperating do not outweigh the costs. The fact that some countries...Show moreAccording to the rational choice theory acting cooperative in collective goods problems is not rational because the benefits of cooperating do not outweigh the costs. The fact that some countries do cooperate in international collective goods problems means that something must be missing from traditional rational choice models. IR theorists have tried to explain how it is possible that some countries do cooperate in collective goods problems while others do not.This research examines oil wealth as an explanation for non cooperative behavior in collective goods problems. This explanation is derived from the realist school of thought. The results of this research show that in two different cases oil wealth is negatively related to cooperative behavior in collective goods problems. Also other explanations from realist, liberalist and constructivist theories have been tested and compared to understand the importance of any of these explanations when explaining state behavior in collective goods problems.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
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What factors ensure the success of an international mediation effort in an intractable conflict? Academics and practitioners remain divided on the issue, with previous research offering many and...Show moreWhat factors ensure the success of an international mediation effort in an intractable conflict? Academics and practitioners remain divided on the issue, with previous research offering many and varied explanations. Existing studies have focused on the conflict’s intensity, the nature of the issues, the parties’ motivation to mediate, and the international context in order to understand the causes of a successful mediation. This research employs a framework incorporating contextual, behavioural, and procedural factors in order to determine the explanatory value of (a) the timing of a third-party’s entry into the conflict, (b) mediator impartiality and (c) legitimacy, and (d) the mediator’s strategy in two cases of international mediation in intractable conflicts. Through an in-depth analysis of Northern Ireland and Kosovo, this thesis argues that Northern Ireland’s successful mediation experience may be attributed to propitious timing and the presence of an impartial and legitimate mediator. Similarly, the failure of the mediation effort in Kosovo may have resulted from a combination of inauspicious timing and the presence of a mediator who was perceived by one of the negotiating parties as biased and illegitimate. While mediation is not necessarily a panacea for all conflicts, an understanding of which conditions lead to mediation success will aid practitioners in future mediation efforts.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
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This thesis examines the possibility of international organisations exhibiting a degree of autonomous behaviour in the area of LGBT rights. It looks at three international organisations: the United...Show moreThis thesis examines the possibility of international organisations exhibiting a degree of autonomous behaviour in the area of LGBT rights. It looks at three international organisations: the United Nations, the OSCE and the Council of Europe and how they respond to their given mandate and pressure from Member States in implementing their LGBT policies. It finds that, sometimes despite a lack of consensus, they have adopted LBGT policies. People in leadership positions within the organisations in particular have played an important advocacy role, thereby demonstrating a degree of autonomous behaviour.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
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UNASUR currently represents one of the most promising regionalization projects currently taking place. One of its unique characteristics is the high level of security sector integration that has...Show moreUNASUR currently represents one of the most promising regionalization projects currently taking place. One of its unique characteristics is the high level of security sector integration that has already taken place in the short few years since its inception. This is particularly interesting as it is in stark contrast with the security sector regionalization of Europe. Despite its much longer history of regionalization, European security sector integration is still fragmented into many different organizations with overlapping goals, and whose members often include countries outside the European boarder. In the face of this apparent success in its regionalist ambitions, one can not help but question: What is the logic behind South American security sector regionalism under UNASUR? Furthermore, how and why does its regionalists efforts differ from those of the EU? Through an analysis of how Regional Security Complex Theory, New Regionalism Approach, and Post-Hegemonic Regionalism interpret both the genesis and functionality of UNASUR, one is able to find some important insights with regards to South America’s security sector integration. Geographically contingent security concerns, intensified by the impacts of globalization, has lead South American states to pursuit a unique security arrangement, which rejects the neoliberal orthodoxy and the hegemonic presence of the United States. Unlike Europe, South America’s security complex does not overlap with other regions and, most importantly, does not include the presence of the United Sates. Furthermore, Europe has carried over many of its Cold War era security mechanisms, in large part due to its embrace of the Washington Consensus and the neoliberal economic orthodoxy. This analysis addresses the broader issues regarding the transferability of theoretical approaches across different regions, but perhaps more interestingly it hints at the potential for the wider security regionalization of the Americas, and whether it will seek to align with, or reject the presence of the US hegemon.Show less
