Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
Ideational factors, which range from democracy to human rights, from sustainable peace to multilateralism, have long played an important role in the European Union’s (EU) foreign policies toward...Show moreIdeational factors, which range from democracy to human rights, from sustainable peace to multilateralism, have long played an important role in the European Union’s (EU) foreign policies toward China, with a wide range of issues that could be found in recent decades such as the arms embargo, resolutions critical of China’s human rights in United Nations Commission of Human Rights (UNCHR), and many other fields in EU-China relations. Despite the significance of ideational factors, it is tempting but premature to conclude that the EU’s external policies towards China have been dominated by normative power. The policy preference of the EU towards China is affected by the role of institutions in facilitating the emergence of a sense of community based on shared norms, interests and a common identity. Yet EU positions, decision and actions in the world are produced as the result of often complex interactions in a multi-level system, involving the member states singly and collectively, as well as the common institutions. Would such complex interactions bring some kind of convergence in a normative European policy towards China? How does China respond to the emergence of ideational factors in bilateral relations? Does China see the EU as a normative power? Thus, social constructivist tools should be applied to analyze the emergence of ideational factors as a consequence of both internal interaction within the EU and external interaction between Europe and China. This study focues on the notion of Normative Power Europe (NPE) by examining the role of ideational factors in EU’s foreign and security policies toward China, as well as China’s perception of EU’s promotions and pressures in these values through case studies. More specifically, the study is a two-step process. The first stage is to explore the different goals of multiple European actors and how these goals interact with normative factors in shaping their foreign policy towards China. In this stage, analytical target is not restricted to the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) or European Commission (EC) level, but takes into account member states’ positions and foreign policies toward China. In the second stage, China’s perception of Europe’s normative driven policies will be introduced, by looking into the response of Beijing and relevant literature. This research attempts to explain the lack of a normative convergence in EU and reveal China’s perception in EU’s normative power.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
An investigation into whether or not the economic success of the past 20 years for the BRICS can be attributed to the implementation of sustainable development. It is found that this is not the...Show moreAn investigation into whether or not the economic success of the past 20 years for the BRICS can be attributed to the implementation of sustainable development. It is found that this is not the case but neither was the growth due to the creation of a pollution haven.Show less
Het doel van dit onderzoek was te onderzoeken in hoeverre de drie mechanismen, die Ross beschrijft als verklaring voor de link tussen olie-export en autoritair bewind, in Brazilië, Mexico en...Show moreHet doel van dit onderzoek was te onderzoeken in hoeverre de drie mechanismen, die Ross beschrijft als verklaring voor de link tussen olie-export en autoritair bewind, in Brazilië, Mexico en Venezuela aanwezig zijn.Show less
A higher turnout is not always beneficial for legitimacy in both it's descriptive and it's normative sense, when deliberative democracy is taken into account.
Dit onderzoek strekt zich uit naar Bijbelgebruik in het parlementaire debat. Een vijftal casussen(c.q. debatten)uit de periode 1955-2009 vormen hierbij een graadmeter voor hoe het met de tale...Show moreDit onderzoek strekt zich uit naar Bijbelgebruik in het parlementaire debat. Een vijftal casussen(c.q. debatten)uit de periode 1955-2009 vormen hierbij een graadmeter voor hoe het met de tale Kanaäns is gesteld.Show less
The purpose of this study was to shed light on the relationship between regimes with a strong personalist dimension and a negative post-tenure fate. This was a relevant exercise, because the...Show moreThe purpose of this study was to shed light on the relationship between regimes with a strong personalist dimension and a negative post-tenure fate. This was a relevant exercise, because the personalist dimension was missing in existing frameworks addressing post-tenure fates of authoritarian leaders and elites. Based on available literature, this personalist dimension was hypothesized to be a strong indicator for a negative post-tenure fate. In this thesis this hypothesis is substantiated and found to be statistically significant through merging of the Archigos data-set on regime leaders and Geddes’ (1999) typology of authoritarian regimes. The relationship is then further explored through analysis of two similar cases, Libya and Tunisia. Based on this analysis it was possible to draw several plausible hypotheses regarding the relationship, which provide an interesting starting point for future research. All in all, it is clearly shown that the conditions that come with a strong personalist dimension can be expected to have a strong negative influence on the post-tenure fate of the regime leadership.Show less
Het falen van de financiële markten heeft een grote rol gespeeld in de aanloop naar de huidige wereldwijde economische crisis. Op een pijnlijke manier is duidelijk geworden dat er grote gevaren...Show moreHet falen van de financiële markten heeft een grote rol gespeeld in de aanloop naar de huidige wereldwijde economische crisis. Op een pijnlijke manier is duidelijk geworden dat er grote gevaren schuilen in de manier waarop ons economisch stelsel is ingericht. De sociale kosten voor het falen van de financiële markten zijn groot geweest en de roep om economische hervorming en vergroting van regulering lijkt te zijn toegenomen. Het vraagstuk over regulering wordt in de economische theorie en in de politiek dikwijls besproken in termen van efficiëntie en welvaart. In deze tekst zal gepoogd worden daar een normatieve discussie aan toe te voegen. Het doel van de onderstaande tekst is het geven van een antwoord op de volgende vraag: Wat zijn de mogelijkheden tot legitieme regulering van de financiële markten?Show less
Thomas Pogge in his paper “Cosmopolitanism and Sovereignty” developed an idea for global institutional reform which contributed significantly to the debate about global justice and promotion of...Show moreThomas Pogge in his paper “Cosmopolitanism and Sovereignty” developed an idea for global institutional reform which contributed significantly to the debate about global justice and promotion of human rights. Pogge attempts to use a strategy that would permit him to go beyond the debate between two extreme approaches to duties, namely libertarianism and utilitarianism. The idea is to invoke strong obligations on the part of individuals by appealing only to their negative duties and not affirming positive duties. In this way, Pogge attempts to broaden the circle of responsibility for the fulfillment of human rights. This thesis will discover how succesful Pogge is in his strategy to do it. It will explore how Pogge adresses within his institutional cosmopolitanism the duties that human rights entail and reveal this way a number of weak points in the theoryShow less
Dit artikel bekritiseert de vorming van de minimale staat van Robert Nozick. De onvervreemdbare individuele rechten staan centraal. Er wordt betoogd dat de theorie van Nozick ten onder gaat aan...Show moreDit artikel bekritiseert de vorming van de minimale staat van Robert Nozick. De onvervreemdbare individuele rechten staan centraal. Er wordt betoogd dat de theorie van Nozick ten onder gaat aan interne inconsistenties, omdat het niet voldoet aan de eisen die hij zelf stelt. Hierbij speelt zijn eigen Wilt Chamberlain argument een centrale rol. Daarnaast wordt er een vergelijking gemaakt met het anarchokapitalisme, waarbij vooral gekeken wordt naar de bescherming van de individuele rechten. De centrale conclusie is dat er een niet-Nozickiaanse argument noodzakelijk om tot de Nozickiaanse minimale staat te komen.Show less