Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
Since its establishment in 2002, the International Criminal Court (ICC) has taken on the ambitious goal of ending impunity for the gravest international crimes. However, this judicial institution...Show moreSince its establishment in 2002, the International Criminal Court (ICC) has taken on the ambitious goal of ending impunity for the gravest international crimes. However, this judicial institution has been strongly criticized for arguably obstructing peace. Although peace and justice are inevitably linked, blindly pursuing justice without considering political implications such as its potential impact on peace negotiations is not only reckless, but fails to recognize the existence of a bigger picture. This thesis attempts to analyze the conditions under which ICC intervention in ongoing civil conflict facilitates the success or failure of peace negotiations. I argue that international law cannot be seen as functioning in complete isolation from politics. If ICC action has in fact an impact on peace negotiations, the ICC needs to be aware of this and take it into account before intervening in an ongoing conflict. In order to analyze this argument, I will conduct two case studies on the situation and peace negotiations in Uganda and Darfur, Sudan, respectively.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
Wartime rape has been part of the armed conflicts from time immemorial. In today’s conflicts, armed groups use rape against the civilian population as a weapon, a tactic, strategy, and a means to...Show moreWartime rape has been part of the armed conflicts from time immemorial. In today’s conflicts, armed groups use rape against the civilian population as a weapon, a tactic, strategy, and a means to exterminating the enemy. Wartime rape is a difficult phenomenon to explain, generalize and ultimately stop given the variance of factors and actors involved. When civil war became the primary form of warfare around the world in the 1990s, wartime rape became one the essential components of prosecuting warfare. The aim of this thesis is to explain the high prevalence of wartime rape in the Great Lakes region of Africa. Drawing on contemporary theories used to explain the rationale behind wartime rape (gender inequality, ethnic hatred, genocidal rape and strategic rape), this thesis argues that the subordinate position of women, ethnic cleavage, the occurrence of genocide and forcible recruitment implying hierarchy increase the level of wartime rape. Using a mixed method, the first stage compromises a statistical analysis exposing the general trends, which are surprisingly contrary to expectation. The subsequent case studies – Rwanda and the DRC – argue that the high level of wartime rape in the Great Lakes region is the result of a spill over effect and all its related implications and complications.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
It is argued that host country factors have predictive value for the completion of Chinese investment in overseas oil and gas assets, as well as for the value of such deals. Using this thesis’...Show moreIt is argued that host country factors have predictive value for the completion of Chinese investment in overseas oil and gas assets, as well as for the value of such deals. Using this thesis’ unique dataset, which accounts for 198 states worldwide and the time period 1999-2012, four hypotheses are tested by performing ordered logit regression and Tobit regression analyses. Anticipating the results, the five main findings are presented here. For unambiguous interpretation, note that ‘Chinese investment’ refers to investment in overseas oil and gas assets. First, contrary to the impression obtained from media reports quoted above, Chinese investment is more likely to be accepted in states with institutional designs ranking higher in terms of institutional quality. Second, rentier states, whose leaders politically depend on the control over natural resources, do not take the expected defensive stance towards Chinese investments. Instead, a host country’s oil dependence is positively related to not only deal completion per se, but also to the amount of money invested. Gas dependence, on the other hand, is not significant in any of the models presented here. Third, Chinese investment is not only more likely, but also granted in higher volumes, in states that rank higher in terms of creditworthiness. Fourth, the financial crisis has provided all three Chinese investors - the NOCs, CDB, and CIC - with an opportunity to increase chances of deal completion as well as the amount invested. Fifth, separate analyses for Asia indicate that Chinese investment follows different patterns in its regional neighborhood, highlighting the need for further research to build on this thesis.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
In 2010, the European External Action Service (EEAS) was launched. This service should serve as a 'ministry of foreign affairs' of the European Union. Goal of the EEAS: Creating a more coherent...Show moreIn 2010, the European External Action Service (EEAS) was launched. This service should serve as a 'ministry of foreign affairs' of the European Union. Goal of the EEAS: Creating a more coherent European foreign policy by providing a bridge between the member states and the European institutions, and between the European institutions themselves (Council and Commission). This thesis investigates whether the EEAS, in the short timespan that it is active now, has been able to achieve this goal. Three levels of coherence are identified: Horizontal coherence (coherence between the external policies of the different European institutions and organs), vertical coherence (coherence between the foreign policies of the different member states) and, finally, external coherence (the EU's ability to speak with a single voice to the rest of the world). Making use of a Principal-Agent theoretical framework, and relying on more than ten interviews with officials in Brussels, this contribution draws the conclusion that the EEAS has enhanced European foreign policy coherence, albeit moderately. As a result of the creation of a single High Representative/Vice-President of the Commission (HRVP), external coherence was fostered most convincingly. On the other hand, horizontal coherence - if not deteriorated - did not grow as a result of the EEAS. Hence, there is still much work to be done in the realm of inter-institutional relations in the EU.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
Economic diplomacy is now a standard practice. However, the strategies that countries use differ. This thesis examines if countries in the same income category, low middle, upper middle and high...Show moreEconomic diplomacy is now a standard practice. However, the strategies that countries use differ. This thesis examines if countries in the same income category, low middle, upper middle and high-income have similar strategy. It would follow from the literature that based on high-income status a more advance and integrated strategy is used. Research in this thesis concludes that especially the countries in the upper middle-income category are still traditional in their policy development and management, but when it comes to economic aid donors these countries have innovative programs in place.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
closed access
When people look back at the 21st century they will undoubtedly characterize China’s rise as one of the major events. As the country ascends to a great power status, its regional and international...Show moreWhen people look back at the 21st century they will undoubtedly characterize China’s rise as one of the major events. As the country ascends to a great power status, its regional and international counterparts observe how Beijing will project its power. The East Asian neighboring states have been tenser because of their ongoing maritime territorial disputes with China. Multiple diplomatic episodes from the mid-2000s until today in the East and South China Seas and demonstrations of Chinese assertiveness in pursuing its national claims have been at the heart of regional tension and instability. In this context, the present thesis poses the following research question: Which factors explain China’s assertive behavior in the East and South China Seas? My main argument is that China’s assertiveness is due primarily to three factors, which are: Beijing’s reactions to other states’ actions, Chinese popular nationalism demand for a stronger external presence and its growing necessity to acquire natural resources and safeguard national transportation corridors. In order to examine the effects of these three factors I have undertaken two case studies, namely the case of Japan and the East China Sea contention and the case of the Philippines and the South China Sea contention.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
closed access
The participation of nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) and private individuals have become more important in human rights issues in international politics in the past decades. Oftentimes NGOs in...Show moreThe participation of nongovernmental organisations (NGOs) and private individuals have become more important in human rights issues in international politics in the past decades. Oftentimes NGOs in different countries with similar issue concerns form ‘transnational advocacy networks’ with the believe that such cooperation is beneficial to achieve goals in their agenda. This thesis is based on Keck and Sikkink’s theory of transnational advocacy network, and engages in the analysis on how the East Asian transnational advocacy network on the comfort women issue emerged forty years after the War was over, and what brought the NGOs in different Asian countries together other than just the nationalities of the former comfort women, and formed the ‘boomerang pattern’. Next, it analyses on the strategies adopted by the East Asian transnational advocacy network on the comfort women issue, and their strategies are categorised by what Keck and Sikkink listed as information, symbolic, leverage, and accountability politics. It then turns to the international responses, most importantly, the responses from the Japanese government on the comfort women issue, also responses from other states. Last, it assesses the achievement and challenges faced by the comfort women movement based on the five criteria proposed by Keck and Sikkink in evaluating the result of transnational advocacy movements.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
closed access
This thesis assesses the notion that liberal democracies make inherently poor counterinsurgents by conducting a most similar case comparison of the Algerian War (1954- 1962) and the Second Chechen...Show moreThis thesis assesses the notion that liberal democracies make inherently poor counterinsurgents by conducting a most similar case comparison of the Algerian War (1954- 1962) and the Second Chechen War (1999-2009). By comparing two cases where prominent variables were common, other than regime type and case outcome, this paper was able to determine that regime type does matter in small wars. Although both counterinsurgents were able to achieve military success through brutality, regime type was ultimately consequential to the outcomes of the small wars. Whereas the more authoritarian state (Russia) was relatively unimpeded in its war effort, the democratic state (France) ultimately lost the war due to the freedom of the media and its democratic institutions. In France, the media exposed the barbarisms of the army, generating condemnation at both domestic and international levels. This opposition to the war effort would prove insurmountable to the democratic state. Through coercion, France sought to suppress domestic criticism, but in doing so, eroded the democratic virtue of the state. Ultimately faced with the option of either preserving democracy or maintaining the brutal, but effective, counterinsurgency, France capitulated, ending its colonial rule in Algeria. Russia, on the other hand, was never held accountable due to an aggressive information operations campaign that precluded the war effort from becoming a prominent public issue. As the suppression of public criticism is unavailable to democratic states, democracies are found to be inherently less proficient at counterinsurgency.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
While the European Union is attempting to overcome the obstacles of the various crises which plague the institution, it is of the utmost importance to address the underlying problems of democracy....Show moreWhile the European Union is attempting to overcome the obstacles of the various crises which plague the institution, it is of the utmost importance to address the underlying problems of democracy. The Lisbon Treaty has made necessary and valuable changes to the democratic model of the EU, but has not gone far enough. As the analysis in this thesis demonstrates, there are still various dimensions of democratic deficit in the EU which need to be resolved. Further democratization and deeper integration, as is argued in this work, would be able to solve many of the identified deficits.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
Why is it that some separatist movements remain united while others fragment into competing factions? While one would expect supporters of a separatist movement to be united in the struggle against...Show moreWhy is it that some separatist movements remain united while others fragment into competing factions? While one would expect supporters of a separatist movement to be united in the struggle against their common enemy, the state, recent literature has shown that they often spend valuable time and resources on internal rivalries – yet little research has been done to explain this phenomenon. Based on a comparison of the cases of the Armenians in Azerbaijan, the Chechens in Russia, and the Abkhaz in their struggle with Georgia, this thesis shows that the ability of the separatist movement to establish institutions capable of providing effective governance is essential in understanding processes of cohesion and fragmentation. It further illustrates that the strength of the incumbent state as well as the amount of external support a separatist movement receives play into these processes in important ways. Future research will have to show whether these variables hold the same explanatory power in other contexts.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
Peacebuilding is a critical element of both real-world international relations and academic conflict resolution. Cosmopolitan peacebuilding scholars and critics have entered into a debate in recent...Show morePeacebuilding is a critical element of both real-world international relations and academic conflict resolution. Cosmopolitan peacebuilding scholars and critics have entered into a debate in recent years. Each group makes different assumption, arguments, and predictions about what motivates the actors engaged in peacebuilding; how such activities are designed, organized, and implemented; and what the outcomes and impact of peacebuilding are. In this thesis, I examine history education reform projects in Bosnia and Macedonia in order to determine which theory has greater explanatory power. I find that these two cases generally support the assumptions, arguments, and predictions of cosmopolitan peacebuilding scholars. However, these projects also validate several points made by critics. My findings have many important implications for the conflict resolution and history education fields.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
What factors ensure the success of an international mediation effort in an intractable conflict? Academics and practitioners remain divided on the issue, with previous research offering many and...Show moreWhat factors ensure the success of an international mediation effort in an intractable conflict? Academics and practitioners remain divided on the issue, with previous research offering many and varied explanations. Existing studies have focused on the conflict’s intensity, the nature of the issues, the parties’ motivation to mediate, and the international context in order to understand the causes of a successful mediation. This research employs a framework incorporating contextual, behavioural, and procedural factors in order to determine the explanatory value of (a) the timing of a third-party’s entry into the conflict, (b) mediator impartiality and (c) legitimacy, and (d) the mediator’s strategy in two cases of international mediation in intractable conflicts. Through an in-depth analysis of Northern Ireland and Kosovo, this thesis argues that Northern Ireland’s successful mediation experience may be attributed to propitious timing and the presence of an impartial and legitimate mediator. Similarly, the failure of the mediation effort in Kosovo may have resulted from a combination of inauspicious timing and the presence of a mediator who was perceived by one of the negotiating parties as biased and illegitimate. While mediation is not necessarily a panacea for all conflicts, an understanding of which conditions lead to mediation success will aid practitioners in future mediation efforts.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
This thesis examines the possibility of international organisations exhibiting a degree of autonomous behaviour in the area of LGBT rights. It looks at three international organisations: the United...Show moreThis thesis examines the possibility of international organisations exhibiting a degree of autonomous behaviour in the area of LGBT rights. It looks at three international organisations: the United Nations, the OSCE and the Council of Europe and how they respond to their given mandate and pressure from Member States in implementing their LGBT policies. It finds that, sometimes despite a lack of consensus, they have adopted LBGT policies. People in leadership positions within the organisations in particular have played an important advocacy role, thereby demonstrating a degree of autonomous behaviour.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
UNASUR currently represents one of the most promising regionalization projects currently taking place. One of its unique characteristics is the high level of security sector integration that has...Show moreUNASUR currently represents one of the most promising regionalization projects currently taking place. One of its unique characteristics is the high level of security sector integration that has already taken place in the short few years since its inception. This is particularly interesting as it is in stark contrast with the security sector regionalization of Europe. Despite its much longer history of regionalization, European security sector integration is still fragmented into many different organizations with overlapping goals, and whose members often include countries outside the European boarder. In the face of this apparent success in its regionalist ambitions, one can not help but question: What is the logic behind South American security sector regionalism under UNASUR? Furthermore, how and why does its regionalists efforts differ from those of the EU? Through an analysis of how Regional Security Complex Theory, New Regionalism Approach, and Post-Hegemonic Regionalism interpret both the genesis and functionality of UNASUR, one is able to find some important insights with regards to South America’s security sector integration. Geographically contingent security concerns, intensified by the impacts of globalization, has lead South American states to pursuit a unique security arrangement, which rejects the neoliberal orthodoxy and the hegemonic presence of the United States. Unlike Europe, South America’s security complex does not overlap with other regions and, most importantly, does not include the presence of the United Sates. Furthermore, Europe has carried over many of its Cold War era security mechanisms, in large part due to its embrace of the Washington Consensus and the neoliberal economic orthodoxy. This analysis addresses the broader issues regarding the transferability of theoretical approaches across different regions, but perhaps more interestingly it hints at the potential for the wider security regionalization of the Americas, and whether it will seek to align with, or reject the presence of the US hegemon.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
Why do people who face rather similar situations sometimes resort to violence and others do not? While structural factors are often assumed to be of high explanatory value for explaining the...Show moreWhy do people who face rather similar situations sometimes resort to violence and others do not? While structural factors are often assumed to be of high explanatory value for explaining the occurrence of violence, more recent approaches focused more on local dynamics and the specific position of agents in the political and economic system. Case studies entangling the specific reasons why people engage in violence are suited to gain further insight into these dynamics. Based on a comparison of the cases of North Sinai and South Sinai which show very different levels of violence despite sharing many similarities, this thesis shows the diversity of motives for individuals to engage in violent activities in North Sinai. At the same time it illustrates the importance of a shared interest that increases societal cohesion in the South of the peninsula and allows the people there to maintain nonviolent discipline.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
Immigration in the European Union is a highly complex and complicated phenomenon. In recent years, there has been a steady increase in immigration from Third Country Nationals (TCNs). Immigration...Show moreImmigration in the European Union is a highly complex and complicated phenomenon. In recent years, there has been a steady increase in immigration from Third Country Nationals (TCNs). Immigration features in a very high position on the political and economic agendas of the European Union. It is an issue that is complicated by the recent economic recession in the EU and questions relating to integration. Cyprus, a full EU member since 2004, is one of various EU countries which are in deep recession and which have experienced incremental immigration over the last ten years. Rapid development on the island meant a steady increase in legal economic immigration. At the same time, as a Mediterranean island, located near North Africa and with ‘open’ borders, Cyprus is also a prime destination for illegal migratory streams. The regulation of legal migration so as to comply with international and European standards and the safeguarding of human rights for legal and illegal immigrants likewise are two of the most significant challenges Cyprus is facing at the moment. Ever since its accession to the EU in 2004, a lot of changes have been in regards to the migration policy of the country have been implemented, and new integration measures have been taken. As a relatively new European Union member country, the case of Cyprus is relevant to other recent members states.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
This thesis examines the impact of the European Union (EU) on the fight against high-level political corruption in Bulgaria and Romania from 2007 to 2013. Rather than being the result of internal...Show moreThis thesis examines the impact of the European Union (EU) on the fight against high-level political corruption in Bulgaria and Romania from 2007 to 2013. Rather than being the result of internal historical or cultural processes, I argue – in line with the theory of Europeanization – that the fight against corruption in these two countries is driven by the adaptational pressure exerted by the EU on the relevant national political actors (governments and parliaments). Using process-tracing, I show how this pressure wielded principally by the Commission via the Cooperation and Verification Mechanism (CVM) and reinforced by some Member States through Schengen-membership conditionality leads to concrete legal and institutional reforms facilitating the control of high-level corruption. In particular, I find that when the Commission resorts to negative incentives (high adaptational pressure) domestic political will to adopt the desired changes increases correspondingly. Overall, I evaluate the CVM as an effective EU tool for tackling corruption in Bulgaria and Romania and I consequently recommend the implementation of a supranational monitoring system of this kind on a universal basis as to provide better guarantees that the fundamental values and principles of the EU are observed across all Member States at all times.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
While in past, most studies have taken self-determination movements as unitary actors, recent research has shown that many movements striving for self-governance are highly fragmented. Taking this...Show moreWhile in past, most studies have taken self-determination movements as unitary actors, recent research has shown that many movements striving for self-governance are highly fragmented. Taking this as a starting point, this thesis offers an alternative explanation of state’s decision making process in complex situations as active intra-state conflicts. By facing the factions of the self-determination movement, states have to endure great levels of violence and pressures. These push the ‘rational’ state to a take a decision. Through an analysis of the Tamil and Jumma movement in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh respectively, this study outlines the dynamics of group fragmentation and addresses its overall implications.Show less
