Research master thesis | Political Science and Public Administration (research) (MSc)
open access
In response to its democratic deficit, the EU has increasingly turned to stakeholder involvement in the decision-making process through consultations. Such stakeholder involvement, however, can...Show moreIn response to its democratic deficit, the EU has increasingly turned to stakeholder involvement in the decision-making process through consultations. Such stakeholder involvement, however, can potentially have a negative effect on decision-making efficiency, slowing down decision-making by increasing administrative work and the transaction costs for bargaining in legislative institutions. However, survival analyses – based on a unique dataset of the 2009- 2010 online public consultations and the follow-up (non-)legislative acts – show that the number of stakeholders involved in fact improves the decision-making efficiency. The heterogeneity of their interests, on the other hand, does not affect the decision-making.Show less
Research master thesis | Political Science and Public Administration (research) (MSc)
open access
What drives the decision of members of the European Parliament (MEPs) to work together, are they working together because they agree on policy principles (ideology) or do they work together because...Show moreWhat drives the decision of members of the European Parliament (MEPs) to work together, are they working together because they agree on policy principles (ideology) or do they work together because they are from the member state or region (geography)? This question is at the core of this paper. By employing a sophisticated and specifically for this paper crafted computer program analysing EP resolutions, I find that ideology becomes less of a factor in the decision to cosponsor a proposal and nationhood becomes more important. This creates difficult questions for European integration.Show less
Research master thesis | Political Science and Public Administration (research) (MSc)
closed access
In the literature it is argued that the relationship between parliament and government has changed due to increased polarization and party competition. In the Netherlands this change occurred from...Show moreIn the literature it is argued that the relationship between parliament and government has changed due to increased polarization and party competition. In the Netherlands this change occurred from the mid-1960s onwards (Bovend’Eert and Kummeling, 2010; Andeweg, 1995). Party lines have become the main lines of political conflict, thus making the main form of executive-legislative interaction along party lines. According to scholars, commentators and the parliament itself, this has led to changed patterns of legislative oversight. This paper has two explicit goals: it offers a behavioral operationalization of King’s (1976) executive-legislative (party) modes and tests the hypothesis that executive-legislative relations have changed in the Netherlands. Contrary to the expectations, based on quantitative analysis of written questions in the period 1960-2011, no support is found for the hypothesis that the interparty modes have increased in this period in the Netherlands.Show less
Research master thesis | Political Science and Public Administration (research) (MSc)
closed access
National parliaments are often labeled the ‘losers’ of European integration. However, most studies in the field of Europeanization focus only on parliamentary influence in the ex-ante decision...Show moreNational parliaments are often labeled the ‘losers’ of European integration. However, most studies in the field of Europeanization focus only on parliamentary influence in the ex-ante decision-making phase in Brussels. In principle national parliaments have, however also the potential to influence the final outcome of EU policy making in the ex-post phase when EU law is transposed into national law. This role of parliaments has received only limited scholarly attention. Nevertheless, how national parliaments use this opportunity has important practical implications in terms of the EU democratic deficit thesis and the effectiveness of EU law. This thesis tackles the question, to what extent and under what conditions do national parliaments and their committees use their legislative review power to influence the transposition of EU law? A cross-country and cross-directive study in the area of EU migration law is conducted to explore the explanatory power of a prominent coalition model of legislative review. Contrary to the model which assumes that different types of government and levels of coalition conflict determines the scope of parliamentary scrutiny, this analysis finds that other factors are more important determinants for parliamentary influence on the timeliness and correctness of transposition measures. Such factors relate to the overall salience of a directive, high issue linkage with politicized national policy projects and case specific factors. The case studies provide particularly challenging evidence concerning the minister autonomy model on which the coalition model is based. This has important implications for the study on conflict anticipation, as ministers seem to be relatively well prepared to foresee their coalition partner’s preferences and adapt their legal drafts to prevent public coalition conflict in parliament. Secondly in terms of institutional design the analysis shows that even parliaments under unfavorable institutional preconditions and singly party governments are not necessarily weaker in their EU scrutiny activities than those that are assumed to be institutionally strong in the national policy making process.Show less
Research master thesis | Political Science and Public Administration (research) (MSc)
open access
Party competition lies at the heart of every democracy. It is related to party organization and electoral behavior. There is no consensus on what the political space of competition looks like. The...Show moreParty competition lies at the heart of every democracy. It is related to party organization and electoral behavior. There is no consensus on what the political space of competition looks like. The left-right dimension is the most well-known model of party competition. However, especially in multiparty systems, with multiple salient issues each election, locating parties in a predefined onedimensional space is very unlikely to capture all differences between parties. This study addresses the question what the spatial representation of party competition in multiparty systems looks like. Is it indeed structured along a left-right dimension, or are multiple dimensions necessary to understand competition? It has been argued before that competition in multiparty systems is best understood using multiple dimensions. However, this is the first study that investigates whether the left-right dimension gives accurate information about party competition both deterministically and probabilistically. First, the formal logic behind the empirical use of the left-right dimension is tested. In other words, it is investigated whether the necessary conditions for one-dimensional competition hold in a multiparty system. Additionally, it is investigated how much information is gained when the space of competition is modeled probabilistically, without the a priori assumption that competition is one-dimensional. Focusing on party competition in the Netherlands, it is found that in all election years from 1982 to 2010 left-right party positions did not give an accurate representation of Dutch competition. Rather, two-dimensional spaces are necessary. Especially ethical issues and the issue of European integration cannot be squeezed into an overarching left-right dimension.Show less
Research master thesis | Political Science and Public Administration (research) (MSc)
open access
The European Union (EU) has witnessed a diversification of its membership in terms of integration. This is regarded as one way of accommodating an increasingly heterogeneous EU. However, this...Show moreThe European Union (EU) has witnessed a diversification of its membership in terms of integration. This is regarded as one way of accommodating an increasingly heterogeneous EU. However, this differentiated integration is likely to be accompanied by disadvantages. Among other things, differentiated integration is also thought to be harmful to the differentiated states’ reputation. However, there is very little empirical work on tangible consequences of differentiated integration. This paper tries to fill this void by looking at one manifestation of informal power: member state access to European Commission advisory committees. The main conclusion is that there is no general relation between access to advisory committees and differentiated integration. However, when looked at in more detail, differentiated integration appears to strongly diminish access to Eurozone-related advisory committees. Moreover, it appears that newer member states’ degrees of access are affected, especially those new members that have not yet integrated fully into the Eurozone and Schengen. If this pattern is structural, the interests of newer member states could be affected.Show less
Research master thesis | Political Science and Public Administration (research) (MSc)
open access
2012-09-03T00:00:00Z
Over the past few decades a considerable literature, based on the populist notion of democracy, attempted to explicate the more or less successful translation of citizen demands into policy by the...Show moreOver the past few decades a considerable literature, based on the populist notion of democracy, attempted to explicate the more or less successful translation of citizen demands into policy by the political system. Yet maximizing political responsiveness need not be the highest good a democracy can aspire too. Following a liberal theory of democracy this paper moves political responsiveness to the position of the independent variable and shows that there is a connection high political responsiveness (and the risks for a tyranny of the majority this entails) and the freedom of the people living within the state. Drawing on data from the OECD and the Eurobarometer a measure of political responsiveness is developed based on behaviour, rather than attitudinal congruence. This allows the author to show the negative association between responsiveness and freedom (as captured through the CIRI Human Rights Project) in a sample of Western and Eastern European countries between 2006 and 2010.Show less
Research master thesis | Political Science and Public Administration (research) (MSc)
open access
2017-01-01T00:00:00Z
Why do democracies not go to war with other democracies? The idea that the internalized liberal-democratic norms of peaceful conflict resolution within a democratic society are responsible for the...Show moreWhy do democracies not go to war with other democracies? The idea that the internalized liberal-democratic norms of peaceful conflict resolution within a democratic society are responsible for the democratic peace, also referred to as the normative explanation, remains subject to a particular lack of empirical academic attention. The few studies into the normative explanation have not tested what should be tested: whether liberal democratic norms indeed affect the behavior of democratic citizens in comparison to the behavior of nondemocratic citizens. This research performs an improved empirical test and studies (1) whether liberal norms exist in a democracy in comparison to a non-democracy and (2) whether these norms have an effect on the individuals of these societies concerning the wish to use force in International Relations. An experimental design showed that there was no significant difference between a group of Dutch students and a group of Chinese students when it comes to the use of force in IR. A marginal effect of the regime type for the democratic citizens was found. Remarkably, in a comparison with the autocratic experimental group, these democratic citizens turned out not to be specifically more peaceful towards other democracies, but rather more war-prone towards autocracies. The overall conclusion of this study is that for both experimental groups the perception of threat was the main indicator for a decision to attack. This research argues that, in contrast with earlier research, there is no support to the claim that the normative explanation can explain the empirically found peace between democracies.Show less
