Er zijn INGO's die mensenrechtenschendingen van multinationals proberen tegen te gaan. Dit doen zij door zich in te zetten voor bindende regelgeving en voor vrijwillige bedrijfscodes. In deze...Show moreEr zijn INGO's die mensenrechtenschendingen van multinationals proberen tegen te gaan. Dit doen zij door zich in te zetten voor bindende regelgeving en voor vrijwillige bedrijfscodes. In deze scriptie wordt aan de hand van de begrippen 'logic of consequences' en 'logic of appropriateness' uiteengezet in hoeverre de strategieën die INGO’s hiertoe hanteren ten aanzien van staten verschillen van de strategieën die zij gebruiken ten aanzien van multinationals.Show less
This paper adresses the underlying obstacles that blurs the debate about the legitimacy of interventions, emphasizing the divergent notions of sovereignty that are used within the realm of...Show moreThis paper adresses the underlying obstacles that blurs the debate about the legitimacy of interventions, emphasizing the divergent notions of sovereignty that are used within the realm of political philosophy.Show less
A study on the role of socio-demographic variables on political tolerance levels in the Netherlands. To answer the research question (‘what socio-demographic variables contribute to changes in the...Show moreA study on the role of socio-demographic variables on political tolerance levels in the Netherlands. To answer the research question (‘what socio-demographic variables contribute to changes in the levels of political tolerance?’), a six-item scale for political tolerance was constructed. The regression analysis showed that the socio-demographic variables age, social class, education, city size and religion were of significant influence on political tolerance levels. Moreover, income and gender appeared not to have any significant effect on political tolerance. Also, income and education proved to be correlated.Show less
In hoeverre lieten de omstandigheden invloed van niet-statelijke actoren als mensenrechtenorganisaties invloed na de blokkade van de Gazastrook en operatie 'Cast Lead' toe? Deze vraag zal door...Show moreIn hoeverre lieten de omstandigheden invloed van niet-statelijke actoren als mensenrechtenorganisaties invloed na de blokkade van de Gazastrook en operatie 'Cast Lead' toe? Deze vraag zal door middel van het framework van Susan Burgerman en de door Keck en Sikkink beschreven issue characteristics getoetst worden.Show less
Dit onderzoek richt zich op het ontwikkelen en toepassen van een model voor de legitimiteit van een NGO als Amnesty International ten opzichte van de donateurs.
According to the literature on social capital, associations are important sites where individuals learn democratic values such as political tolerance. Over the past decades, traditional...Show moreAccording to the literature on social capital, associations are important sites where individuals learn democratic values such as political tolerance. Over the past decades, traditional associations in Western democracies have seen their memberships decline. In addition, people spend more time online, resulting in fears that people may become detached and less politically tolerant. This study examines if offline and online activity reinforce one another, that is, if individuals who are active both online and offline show higher levels of political tolerance. There is a positive relationship between the two variables, although the findings are not significant.Show less
This thesis analyzes the development of social movements in China since the beginning of Deng Xiaoping's reforms. A comparison of the democracy movements of the 1980s and the labour movements of...Show moreThis thesis analyzes the development of social movements in China since the beginning of Deng Xiaoping's reforms. A comparison of the democracy movements of the 1980s and the labour movements of the 2000s is the central focus of the paper with special attention given to the role of the media, and social networking, in the development of these movements. It is argued that both movements share the strikingly similar grievances and methods of organization, and that the media, despite its continuing liberalization, continues to play only a marginal role.Show less
To what extent is the State allowed to legitimately limit property rights in order to combat climate change? In this thesis I explore the libertarian concept of absolute property. By showing that...Show moreTo what extent is the State allowed to legitimately limit property rights in order to combat climate change? In this thesis I explore the libertarian concept of absolute property. By showing that this concept is a myth we can find a way to legitimize state intervention. In this thesis I come to the conclusion that libertarian property rights aren't sufficiently justified, meaning I'll have to offer a different basis for property rights: usufructuary righs.Show less
In this thesis, three European integration theories are applied to the case of African integration. The use of federalism, neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism for explaining African...Show moreIn this thesis, three European integration theories are applied to the case of African integration. The use of federalism, neofunctionalism and liberal intergovernmentalism for explaining African regional cooperation are tested. Academic writing combining these two topics can hardly be found, creating a gap in the literature that this thesis seeks to fill. In analysing the historical development of the three theories, a set of indicators for each is constructed, leading to the formulation of hypotheses that are tested in the African case. The main driving force behind African integration in the 1950s and 1960s was the Pan- African movement calling for independence of African states and the end of colonialism. This ideologically driven movement was supported by a transnational elite pushing for regional cooperation. The main actors in creating the Organization of African Unity, the African Economic Community and the African Union were national leaders, basing their efforts both on Pan-African reasoning and on the maximization of national gains. The neofunctionalists’ main claim of spillover effects occurring in the integration process leading to wider and deeper cooperation cannot be proved, neither seems the role of supranational institutions to be of importance. This leads to the conclusion that a combination of federalist assumptions and liberal intergovernmentalist claims provides the best explanation for African integration.Show less
The subject of this thesis consists of the search for an educational answer to the challenges posed to citizenship by globalization, first of all the broader scope of political obligation (i.e. to...Show moreThe subject of this thesis consists of the search for an educational answer to the challenges posed to citizenship by globalization, first of all the broader scope of political obligation (i.e. to citizens of other countries) related to the international impact of national political decisions. To this question no institutional answer is considered possible. This essay presents three possible designs of a programme for citizenship education fit for the 21th century: one based on political-liberalism, one based on nationalism and one based on cosmopolitanism. After this, it is concluded that only a cosmopolitan programma can provide citizens with the right tools to cope with the challenges of globalization, because it can both create a feeling of belonging to a political community and facilitate mutual respect among people that have a different conception of the good life.Show less
Advanced master thesis | Political Science (Advanced Master)
open access
The concept of reconciliation has been researched often by scholars. Reconciliation is part of the post-conflict reconstruction strategy and the process is mostly seen by scholars as a relevant and...Show moreThe concept of reconciliation has been researched often by scholars. Reconciliation is part of the post-conflict reconstruction strategy and the process is mostly seen by scholars as a relevant and wanted process. However, is that the case in reality? The question researched here is: why do governments engage in national post-conflict reconciliation strategies? This study reviews two post-conflict situations where a reconciliation process was initiated; Rwanda and Sierra Leone. We aim to determine on what factors governments base their choices regarding reconciliation. The cases are examined from a legalist and pragmatist approach. Legalists argue that states choose reconciliation and justice because they believe in the international norms it represents, because they believe in the preventive and deterrent effect of justice and the educational example it can be. Pragmatists however, argue that states choose reconciliation on the basis of self-interest and the distribution of political power. They also argue that states not always believe in the necessity of reconciliation and acknowledge the usefulness of amnesties. The cases of Rwanda and Sierra Leone demonstrate that the choice for reconciliation cannot be fully explained from the legalist approach but are better understood from the pragmatist point of view. Both situations show that the choice of a state for reconciliation is based on different factors that can be summarized as the concept ´the politics of reconciliation´. The government of Rwanda uses the fear of the population for a future genocide in order to keep tight control over the country. The reconciliation initiatives are used to keep track of anything that is going on in society that could be a potential threat and to teach the RPF ideology in order to keep a firm grip on political power. Sierra Leone is influenced by the international community that demands post-conflict reconciliation. It has been argued that one of the origins of the Sierra Leone conflict was poverty and the country has the desire to reconstruct its economy for which a high amount of external investment is needed. These reasons fit within the idea of pragmatists, that actors base their choices upon self-interests, in these cases ensuring political power and attracting external investment.Show less
This thesis examines the relationship between language and political participation in the study of minority representation in Estonia and Latvia. The differences between the levels of mobilisation...Show moreThis thesis examines the relationship between language and political participation in the study of minority representation in Estonia and Latvia. The differences between the levels of mobilisation of ethnic Russians in Estonia and Latvia present a puzzle that has yet to be explained. Language is a factor that has traditionally been ignored by scholars of political participation. However, this thesis argues that it is key to understanding different patterns of minority representation in Estonia and Latvia. This thesis argues that the higher level of titular language proficiency among Russian minorities in Latvia has given them a distinct advantage over Russian minorities in Estonia. This is because government legislation affords the titular languages an elevated status in both countries. No such concessions are made for minority languages such as Russian. Firstly, this thesis explains why the Russian minorities in the two countries have different levels of titular language proficiency. Secondly, it reveals why language proficiency is a necessity for those who wish to participate in parliamentary politics. It uses a wide range of government legislation including citizenship laws, constitutions and language laws to demonstrate that linguistic proficiency is not only required for citizenship, but also for participation in parliamentary politics. This thesis ultimately reveals that the introduction of just one official language in two countries with such large minority groups has served to automatically disadvantage a significant proportion of the population from participating in politics and that differences between the two counties are likely to remain for some time unless Russian is introduced as a second official language.Show less
